• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제28권5호
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• pp.425-437
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• 2013

The aim of this study was to establish the identity of Korean traditional food based on the recorded food preferences during the period of the Chosun Dynasty. Our primary source in this regard was the invaluable, historical document called the "Miam's diary." This important document reveals details of such food preferences from October 1567 to September 1568. By analyzing the income-expenditure trends of virtually every household, this diary was used to describe a vivid traditional food preference of the people during that period. A detailed analysis of the diary reveals the summary of families' characteristics in the 16th century. First, it records the fact that expenditure on food was mainly based on stipend and gifts received. The type of food preferred by the people was diverse in nature; for it included rice, bean, chicken, pheasant, and seafood. However, there were dried or pickled forms too so as to prevent them from undergoing decay. Second, it throws light on the fact that people expended food mainly as a salary for servants. People utilized the income from selling such food items to purchase goods and land. They also used the same either to donate for a funeral or wedding purpose. Third, it records the fact that day-to-day purchase of groceries was mostly based on gift(s) for someone close to them such as a neighbor, colleague, relative, or student. Further, such gifts included small groceries, food items, and clothes. Fourth, based on the data available in the diary, it seemed likely that the gentry families laid emphasis on the customary formalities of a family dating back to as early as the late 16th century. Finally, the document also records the fact that noblemen of the Chosun Dynasty had a notion that they had to extend warmth and affection by presenting generous gifts to their guests at home. Noblemen during that period were very particular in welcoming their guests as they believed that this approach alone would testify their status as noblemen.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제17권5호
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• pp.569-577
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• 2002

본 연구는 서울 지역의 주부를 대상으로 하여 혼례음식(폐백과 이바지 음식)의 인식상황과 실태를 파악함으로써 혼례음식 발전의 기초자료를 제공하고자 얻은 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 폐백음식의 인식에 대해서는 '결혼 후 시댁에 인사를 드리는 것'이라는 응답이 55.2%, '옛날부터 내려오는 하나의 풍습'이 35.8%로 나타나 상당히 정확하게 알고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 폐백음식에 대한 중요도 인식수준은 전체 응답자의 10.2%가 '매우 중요하다'라고 응답하였으며, '중요하다' 48.5%, '중요하지 않다'는 11.9%로 나타나 폐백음식의 중요성에 대하여 공감하는 비율이 높게 나타났다. 특히 주부의 연령별로 20대 집단에서 30대 이상의 집단에 비해 '중요하지 않다'는 응답율이 높게 나타났다(p<0.05). 둘째, 폐백음식 준비방법으로는 '가정에서 직접마련'한다와 '시장이나 떡집에서 마련'하겠다는 응답이 비슷한 비율을 보였으며, 연령별 교육수준별(p<0.05)로 유의한 차이를 보였다. 폐백음식 장만시 드는 비용으로는 '30-50만원'이라고 응답한 비율이 50%로 가장 높게 나타났고, '10-30만원'29%>'50-100만원'18% 순으로 나타났다. 셋째, 선호하는 폐백음식으로는 '밤 대추고임'을 준비한다는 의견이 77.5%로 가장 높게 나타났으며, 그 다음으로 '떡류'>'육포'>'술'>'한과'등의 순으로 나타났다. 넷째, 이바지음식에 대한 의미로는 48.2%가 '신부측에서 마련한 음식을 시댁에 보내는것'이라고 응답하였으며, 이바지 음식의 필요성에 대해서는 '반드시 준비해야한다'라는 의견이 15.5%, '형편에 맞추어 준비한다'는 78.7%, '준비할 필요가 없다'5.8%로 나타나 전반적으로 이바지 음식의 필요성에대해서 공감대를 형성하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 취업주부가 '필요하다'라는 응답이 높게 나타났고, 종교적으로도 불교를 믿는 주부보다 기독교를 믿는 주부들에게서 유의적인 차이를 보였다(p<0.01). 다섯 번째, 혼례음식의 개선점으로 메뉴의 간소화> 가격을 저렴하게 하는 문제> 폐백음식 선택의 다양화 순으로 나타났다. 연령별로 40대 주부집단에서 '메뉴의 간소화' 응답율이 높게 나타났다(p<0.01). 이상의 같은 연구 결과로 보아 우리나라의 모범이 되는 혼례음식의 계승을 위해서 꾸준한 노력과 관심이 필요하다고 사료된다. 과거와 다른 신식혼례를 치르면서도 폐백을 드리고 이바지 음식 보내는 풍습은 계속 이어지고 있다. 이러한 혼례 풍습은 계속 이어질 것이기에 혼례음식이 가지고 있는 기복과 주술적인 의미를 되살리면서 저렴한 가격으로 누구나 손쉽게 장만할 수 있는 간편한 방법이 모색되어 전통을 살리면서 모범이 되는 혼례음식문화를 계승 발전시켜 나가야 하겠다.

• 복식
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• 제16권
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• pp.221-229
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• 1991

This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

• 동아시아식생활학회지
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• 제13권5호
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• pp.353-361
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• 2003

본 연구는 우리 고유의 전통음식인 폐백음식이 더욱 더 계승$.$발전할 수 있는 방안을 마련하고자 대구지역 주부를 대상으로 하여 폐백음식의 조리법에 대한 인식과 전망에 대하여 조사한 것으로 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 1. 폐백음식을 본 경험은 “있다”가 94.2% 이었고, 본 장소로는 “예식장”이 62.5%로 가장 많았으며 폐백음식을 장만하는 이유로는 “옛날부터 전해 내려온 전통이라서”가 44.9%로 가장 높게 나타났다. 또한 폐백음식을 가정에서 직접 만들어 본 경험은 “있다”가 51.0%, “없다”가 49.0%이었고, 반면에 폐백음식 전문점에서 구입한 경험은 “있다”가 59.5%, “없다”가 40.5%로 나타났다. 폐백음식을 가정에서 직접 만드는 이유로는“정성이 많이 들어가므로”가 48.8%로 가장 많았고, 반면에 전문점에서 구입하는 이유로는 “편리하므로”가 38.7%로 가장 높았다. 2. 폐백음식의 조리법에 대한 견해는 “복잡하다”가 79.8%로 가장 많았고 폐백음식 조리방법에 대해 아는 정도는 5점 만점에 2.80점으로 대부분의 주부들이 폐백음식의 조리방법을 잘 모르고 있는 것으로 나타났으며 조리법의 전수자는 “친정어머니”가 31.3%로 가장 많았다. 3. 폐백음식에 대한 전망은 “일부분만 전해질 것이다”가 43.3%로 가장 높은 비율을 보였고 폐백음식을 계승$.$발전시키기 위한 방안으로는 “현대인의 감각에 맞는 다양한 폐백음식 개발”이 31.5%로 가장 높게 나타났고 폐백음식의 산업화 방안으로는 “폐백음식의 우수성에 대한 홍보와 교육이 이루어져야 한다”가 30.4%로 가장 많았다. 이상의 연구결과로 폐백음식의 조리법에 대한 낮은 인식을 극복하고 더욱 계승$.$발전시키기 위해서는 조리법에 대한 산$.$학$.$연 합동의 꾸준한 연구와 교육, 대중홍보 등을 통해 주변에서 많이 접할 수 있도록 하는 것이 중요하다고 여겨지며 나아가 폐백음식 전문점의 확충과 전문가 활성이 필요하다고 사료된다. 또한 전통성과 현대화가 부합되는 조리법을 발굴해 시대에 맞는 폐백음식의 조리법을 개선$.$보완해 나간다면 우리의 아름다운 폐백음식 문화의 전승은 계속 이어질 것으로 생각된다.

• 동아시아식생활학회지
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• 제11권6호
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• pp.417-429
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to investigate university students' eating habits during special occasions and the willingness to pass on traditions of cooking certain dishes on special occasions to the next generation. The procedure of this study included a questionnaire to collect data for this study. The results are summarized as fellows: there were 689 participants. 314 male and 375 female. Most participants were nuclear families(84.5%), Practicing cooking traditions during the special occasions at home on New year's day. Chusuk, Ceremony of a forefather's death, the 15th of the first month. and Winter solstice exceeded 70% of households. In every event, most persons who make the food during the special events at home are mothers. Furthermore, most persons who teach the cooking method are mothers. too. Most foods which were taken In the annual events generally were as fellows : rice cake soup on New Year's Day. boiled rice admixed with four other staple cereals on the 15th of the first month, half-moon-shaped rice cake on Chusuk. a rice-and-mugwort cake on Buddha's birthday, rice and adzuki-bean on the winter solstice and cake on Christmas and wedding anniversary. The results of the survey of perception of food traditions during the special events was as follows ; ‘annual events helped peoples to make relationships with family and relatives deeper’ showed the highest agreement. The willingness to pass on traditional foods for the special days showed the highest agreement on New Year's Day and Chusuk, followed by Ceremony of a forefather's death. the 15th of the first month, and finally the winter solstice.

• 가정과삶의질연구
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.115-127
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• 1990

The Korean have admired and lived with decorums through Jeol, a representative practical formality which expresses the decorums intensively. Jeol is the way of greeting native to Korea and an intangible culture close to Korean life style. To be remained as a culture, the traditional propriety Jeol should reconcile to the present life feflecting our history. On this viewpoint, the purpose of this research is to furnish the authority of the creative inheritance on the settlement of Jeol and other decorums suitable to the present. This research is consisted of 1) the study of the meaning of Jeol and 2) the hidtorical research through records. 'Jurye' is regarded as the oldest literature on the systematic explanation about Jeol and has been very often used down the ages. Jindong in 'Jurye' and Kodu in 'Karyejipram' are the same Jeol which expresses the grief in funeral rites. In 'Seonghosaseol', Abae which stands one knee is explained and investigated as the case of offense by the literature. And it is also interpreated as a Jeol with respect, while many other Jeol is to fall an both of kness, Abae is not performed generally. 'Yeki' has brief explanation about Kongsu Manner (to hold hands), Jeol between the king and minister, host and guest, Buinbae, Jeol in custom, wedding ceremony and funeral ceremony and Jeol in drinking manner. In 'Chunchukongyangjeon'. there is the explanation about Jeol of the minister who comes back after his duty to the king. 'Sunjajiphae' interprets Bae and Kyesang and informs that Kuesu is the most respectful Jeol only to the king, 'Seojeon' proves the Jeol habitually used in all kinds of ceremonies and etiquettes. 'Jeongbomunheonbigo' introduces the custom of Jeol in Shilla, Koguryo, Buyeo, Koryo eras by using literature and shows the commoness of both kneeling down generally. The result of this research has the meaning for the creation of life culture in the basis of the spirit 'Onkojisin'(reviewing the old and learning the new) by establishing the present Jeol with tradition.

• 가족자원경영과 정책
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.109-122
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• 2010

The present study aims to investigate cultural similarities and differences that influence interracial couples (between Korean men and Vietnamese women) when adapting to Korean family culture in terms of interculturalism. The interviewees consisted of three generations. This study used in-depth interviews. Data was collected from January to August 2008. 15 families (45 people) were used for analysis. Results were as follows: (1) the patriarchal culture of the two nations had a positive influence on the adaptation of members during family interactions(2) the culture of filial piety is a value system that both nations believe is important. However, different rituals had a negative influence on the practice of filial piety (3) the community-oriented culture is regarded as important in the two nations. However, Vietnamese wives cannot lead a free community life because Koreans see them in negative terms (4) the Vietnamese traditional wedding custom called "NopJjeOh" had a negative influence on the adaptation to the Korean family culture (5) the preference for sons in Vietnam is not as high as in Korea. This difference had a negative influence on adaptation (6) clear differences between the daily lives of the two nations had a negative influence on adaptation to Korean family culture. In conclusion, Korea and Vietnam have many similarities in culture, which enable Vietnamese wives to adapt to Korean culture more easily than other foreign wives. If various programs are developed to promote the mutual understanding between both cultures based on these research findings, it would further contribute toward social integration in Korea.

• 복식
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• 제59권2호
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• pp.59-69
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• 2009

This study aims to identify how Korean women's traditional costume, Hanbok, has changed according to the times in terms of color coordination of Jeogori and Chima. Photos had been taken at wedding places and streets at 5 major cities(Seoul, Pusan, Kwangju, Daejon, Jeju) at two weekends of each season in 1999, 2001, and 2003. Total 1617 photos were used as final data. Data were analyzed by hue coordination and value level. Hue coordination exist in one-color and two-color coordination. In one-color coordination, red color(R & RP) was the most frequently used and blue green(BG) was the next, and the least was blue purple(BP) for each year. In value scale, high level was the most frequent and followed by middle level and low level. Pink was the most preferred color for one-color coordination. In two-color coordination, white and blue were widely used for Jeogori and red and blue far chima for each year, which seemed to be the basic color coordination for Jeogori and Chima. While there was a certain basic color coordination types across year, but a few new color coordination appeared each year and maintained as popular color coordination for one or two year.

• 복식
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• 제50권3호
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• pp.31-42
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• 2000

This study investigated the history of whakwan (crown, 화관(花冠)) and classified the types of whakwan accordint to its structure. Whakwan seemed to originate from the custome of sticking flowers in the hair which was the reflection of human desire of pursuing the beauty . The whakwan fist appeared in the Oriental painting during the Tang period and became fashionable is Song. It is not clear when whakwan was introduced into Korea, but is assumed to be greatly influenced by the Song whakwan. The Korean record on whakwan showed on whakwan showed fro the fist time in the reign of Kimg Sejong and whakwan was used for the costume of a dancing boy. Through the present type of whakwan appeared only one in the painting of the reign of King Seonjo, there are a number of whakwans in the lattern part of the Chosun dynasty, Now there exist three types of whakwan in Korea. The first type is similar to that of Chokduri in decoration . But it was made of paper, had the double structures of inner and outer part and was decorated by Yangkwan's vertical lines of gilt paper. The second type is the whakwan made of artifical flowers with various color cords and was widely used in Geesung and Pyungyang regions. Finally, though the third type is similar to Sabangkwan, its outside was decorated gaudilly iby Dangchae (colorful painting ) and it was assumed that dancing bodys put it on their head for various banquets. Out of these three types, the first is most representative , Black was the popularly used color for the first type and this type was used either for brides on wedding ceremonies or for shamans or palace dancers. The second type was widely used in Gaesung and Pyungyang regions. But the differences in the shape of whakwan of the two regions showed the regional characteristics of traditional costumes in Korea. The third type was most likely to be used in the dance for palace banquets, but it is necessary to further investigate whether shamans actually wore this type of whakwan.

• 복식
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• 제61권10호
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• pp.55-71
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• 2011

Court ladies' tasks were largely divided into two. First, if there is a royal family event, such as the royal family's wedding or feast, they followed the rules and regulations of work division that was defined in "Gyeonggukdaejeon". Secondly, during normal days, they were divided into Jimil (至密), Chimbang (針房), Subang (繡房), Sesugan (洗手間), Saenggwabang (生果房), Naesojubang (內燒廚房), and Oesojubang (外燒廚房) and took charge of female work that was needed daily at the palace including serving, cooking, laundry, needlework, embroidery, cleaning, and nurturing. This organization was operated by different palaces such as the daejeon(king's palace), daebijeon(queen dowager's palace), junggungjeon(queen's palace), or sejagung(prince's palace). Court ladies were selected among female slaves of the government office or naesusa(a ministry of royal household properties). Although commoners were forbidden to be selected, they sometimes became court ladies voluntarily for financial reasons or because of the will of their parents. Court ladies had different appearances according to the division they belonged to. The court girls of Jimil, Chimbang, and Subang wore saeangmeori while court girls from other places had braided hairstyles. At Jimil, they wore all different kinds of chima(skirt) and jeogori(jacket). Usually, court ladies wore navy chima, jade jeogori, green gyeonmagi(top jacket) with the uyeomeori hairstyle. When working in the evening, they wore pink jeogori or yellow-green jeogori, navy chima with the jojimmeori hairstyle for easiness to stay up all night and work. Navy chima was worn by court ladies. If there was a royal family event upper court ladies wore uyeomi, black or green wonsam, and stewards wore garima and dangui.