• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.119-125
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• 2023

Through the Ukraine-Russia war, the military importance of drones is being reassessed, and North Korea has completed actual verification through a drone provocation towards South Korea at 2022. Furthermore, North Korea is actively integrating artificial intelligence (AI) technology into drones, highlighting the increasing threat posed by drones. In response, the Republic of Korea military has established Drone Operations Command(DOC) and implemented various drone defense systems. However, there is a concern that the efforts to enhance capabilities are disproportionately focused on striking systems, making it challenging to effectively counter swarm drone attacks. Particularly, Air Force bases located adjacent to urban areas face significant limitations in the use of traditional air defense weapons due to concerns about civilian casualties. Therefore, this study proposes a new passive air defense method that aims at disrupting the object detection capabilities of AI models to enhance the survivability of friendly aircraft against the threat posed by AI based swarm drones. Using laser-based adversarial examples, the study seeks to degrade the recognition accuracy of object recognition AI installed on enemy drones. Experimental results using synthetic images and precision-reduced models confirmed that the proposed method decreased the recognition accuracy of object recognition AI, which was initially approximately 95%, to around 0-15% after the application of the proposed method, thereby validating the effectiveness of the proposed method.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.115-144
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• 2023

Under the Trump administration, the U.S. has made clear that "China is America's strategic competitor, revisionist power and a major challenge to America's prosperity and security." The Biden administration has largely inherited this perception of China. China has also responded without backing down. Therefore, the U.S.-China strategic competition has become the most important background factor in the international system and has a great impact on the security situation in Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, if you look at the recent process of establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, we can find that ROK's foreign strategy adjustment has played a key role. This is because establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan depends on improving ROK-Japan relations. And the Yoon Suk Yeol government is pushing for rapid improvement in ROK-Japan relations regardless of domestic political constraints. The trilateral summit at Camp David laid the groundwork for future cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan in security and other broader areas. China is strongly dissatisfied with the formation of trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan. However, this paper argues that although ROK agrees to form trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, ROK's strategic objectives are not exactly the same as those of the U.S. and Japan. For example, looking back at the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance after the end of the Cold War, both the U.S. and Japan share similar views and perceptions of China's rise. The real goal of the strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance in recent years is also how to cope with China's rise. On the other hand, ROK's previous administrations have been negative about trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan. This is because ROK's main strategic goal is to reduce or eliminate threats from DPRK rather than respond to China. Faced with increasing DPRK's provocations and threats, more than half of South Koreans are in favor of reinforcing trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan to contain or mitigate threats from DPRK. As a result, if North Korea's nuclear and missile threats to ROK continue, then ROK's foreign strategy is likely to be to strengthen trilateral security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan to ensure its own safety and survival. If China wants to reduce the strategic pressure from the trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, the best way is to reduce DPRK's provocations and threats to ROK and play a more substantive role in getting DPRK to give up its nuclear program.

• Strategy21
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• s.41
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• pp.52-84
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• 2017

After finishing Cold War, the U.S. Navy's ability to Sea control has been gradually eroded last 15-20 years. The global security environment demands that the surface Navy rededicate itself to sea control, as a new group of potential adversaries is working to deny U.S. navy command of the sea. China has been increasing their sea denial capability, such as extended anti-surface cruise missile and anti-surface ballistic missile. To cope with this situation, the U.S. Naval Surface Forces Command has announced Surface Forces Strategy: Return to Sea Control. It is a new operating and organizing concept for the U.S. surface fleet called 'distributed lethality'. Under distributed lethality, offensive weapons such as new ASCMs are to be distributed more widely across all types of Navy surface ships, and new operational concept for Navy surface fleet's capability for attacking enemy ships and make it less possible for an enemy to cripple the U.S. fleet by concentrating its attack on a few very high-value Navy surface ships. By increasing the lethality of the surface ships and distributing them across wide areas, the Navy forces potential adversaries to not only consider the threat from our carrier-based aircraft and submarines, but they now consider the threat form all of those surface ships. This idea of using the distributed lethality template to generate surface action groups and adaptive force package and to start thinking about to increase the lethal efficacy of these ships. The U.S. Navy believes distributed lethality increases the Navy's sea control capability and expands U.S. conventional deterrence. Funding new weapons and renovated operating concept to field a more lethal and distributed force will enable us to establish sea control, even in contested area. The U.S. Navy's Surface Forces Strategy provides some useful implications for The ROK Navy. First the ROK Navy need to reconsider sea control mission. securing sea control and exploiting sea control are in a close connection. However, recently the ROK Navy only focuses on exploiting sea control, for instance land attack mission. the ROK Navy is required to reinvigorate sea control mission, such as anti-surface warfare and anti-air warfare. Second, the ROK Navy must seek the way to improve its warfighting capability. It can be achieved by developing high-edge weapons and designing renewed operating concept and embraced new weapon's extended capabilities.

• Journal of Korean Society of Industrial and Systems Engineering
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.98-104
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• 2016

With the development of modern science and technology, weapon systems such as tanks, submarines, combat planes, radar are also dramatically advanced. Among these weapon systems, the ballistic missile, one of the asymmetric forces, could be considered as a very economical means to attack the core facilities of the other country in order to achieve the strategic goals of the country during the war. Because of the current ballistic missile threat from the North Korea, establishing a missile defense (MD) system becomes one of the major national defense issues. This study focused on the optimization of air defense artillery units' deployment for effective ballistic missile defense. To optimize the deployment of the units, firstly this study examined the possibility of defense, according to the presence of orbital coordinates of ballistic missiles in the limited defense range of air defense artillery units. This constraint on the defense range is originated from the characteristics of anti-ballistic missiles (ABMs) such as PATRIOT. Secondly, this study proposed the optimized mathematical model considering the total covering problem of binary integer programming, as an optimal deployment of air defense artillery units for defending every core defense facility with the least number of such units. Finally, numerical experiments were conducted to show how the suggested approach works. Assuming the current state of the Korean peninsula, the study arbitrarily set ballistic missile bases of the North Korea and core defense facilities of the South Korea. Under these conditions, numerical experiments were executed by utilizing MATLAB R2010a of the MathWorks, Inc.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.1251-1258
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• 2015

Recently, as the development of cyber weapons, the threat of cyber warfare has been increasing. Nations, which experienced cyber warfare already, have been damaged not only in the cyber space as well as in real war field. Therefore, each nation is constantly making efforts to prepare for cyber warfare. First of all, to prepare for cyber warfare, each nation's capability of cyber warfare should be understood. A plan of reaction of cyber warfare should be searched by comparison and analysis of capability of cyber warfare. This paper compares and analyzes established methodology of capability assessment about cyber warfare, and this paper finds a better point to suggest the improvement of capability assessment about cyber warfare. This paper applies capability assessment of cyber warfare to nations, which can influence on Korea with improved capability assessment of cyber warfare. Comparing and analyzing the result of assessment, this paper deducts complementary point of Korean cyber warfare to suggest the plan to enhancing capability of cyber warfare.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.265-284
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• 2011

This paper examines how Sedgwick makes a political allegory of founding the nation in domestic terms in The Linwoods (1835). Set in the Revolutionary period, The Linwoods is a historical fiction reconstructed by the writer in order to diagnose currently controversial issues. In this aspect, Sedgwick's interest in history is genealogical in Foucaudian sense. Foucault's genealogical method provides a way of recuperating a part of history hidden, submerged, obliterated by the official history. Seen in a genealogical perspective, the story of the Linwoods can be viewed as a political allegory in order to explore political conflicts of Sedgwick's own day. Faced with the threat of national disunion presented in the Nullification Crisis of sectional conflicts and divisions, Sedgwick attempts to provide a fictional solution to the first serious challenge to the U. S. Constitution. Going back to the times around the American Revolution, Sedgwick emphasizes how strenuously the American Constitution of America was formed as the outcome of the war against the tyranny of Britain, and how the Union was made on the basis of the cooperation between the States. By posing a contrast of political positions between family members, Sedgwick imagines a family/nation that allows diverse political positions. The conclusion of a diversity of marriages between man and woman who agree to be united after overcoming their differences in political affiliations seems to show her conservative proclivity to support the Union. However, by emphasizing the principles of freedom and equality represented by the significant role of Isabella and Rose, an African-American slave, in the victory of the American Revolution, Sedgwick also supports the spirit of the Jacksonian American democracy.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.515-527
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• 2011

Miss Pettigrew Lives for a Day, Winifred Watson's novel of 1938, is a fairytale in novel form. Set in London of 1938, the story revolves around a one-day adventure of an ill-starred but truthful governess who is granted a second chance. This light-hearted comedy of manners was turned into a film by director Bharat Nalluri in 2008. An Anglo-American collaboration, co-scripted by Simon Beaufoy and David McGee, the film converts Watson's quaint novel into an edged heritage piece that encapsulates the 1930s, the problematic decade between the two World Wars. The film, while sustaining the narrative core of Watson's Cinderella story, attempts to place it firmly within a wider current of the novel's setting or London in 1938, tapping into the major concerns of the interwar years that engage with characters in one way or another. Stylistically, the film presents Art Deco as a main visual idiom to convey the prevailing mood of nihilism and decadence of the day. The setting here takes on significance in that it offers a telling counterpoint to the giddy superficial world of the novel. The 1930s was a highly charged decade under the threat of fascism and the Great Depression, fraught with economic and socio-political tensions and apprehensions. The film makes an explicit reference to the dismal context which is suppressed in the original text. The thirties is, therefore, portrayed as a decade of contradiction. It features gay buoyant festivity, rampant consumerism, and shifting morals and attitudes towards love, marriage and sexuality. Yet lurking beneath the surface glamour are the symptoms of crises and the deep-seated anxieties on the eve of World War II. In this way, Watson's novel of manners has been recreated into a defining film on the 1930s with its period feel propped by the atmospheric lighting, the exuberant Jazz score, and the splendid Art Deco costume and production design.

• Strategy21
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• s.43
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• pp.57-88
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• 2018

Security situations are fundamentally and rapidly changing on the Korean Peninsula. Above all, as North Korea(NK) is heightening its nuclear and missile capabilities, Republic of Korea(ROK) is facing an existential threat. At the same time, as China's economic, diplomatic and military power is quickly rising, the balance of power is shifting and strategic competition between the Unite States(US) and China is accelerating in the Asia-Pacific region. Under the pressure of development of these situations, ROK seems to face allegedly the most serious crisis in its national security since the end of the Korean War. In the current grim geopolitical situation, maritime security may become the most difficult security challenge for ROK in the years to come. The purpose of this paper is to compare major changes in maritime security affairs of the ROK during last twenty years from 1998 until now(2018). 1998 was when this journal 『Strategy 21』 was published for the first time by the Korea Institute for Maritime Strategy. Then, this paper tries to identify challenges and risks with which this country has to deal for its survival and prosperity, and to propose some recommendations for the government, the Navy, and the Coast Guard as they are responsible for the maritime security of the country. The recommendations of this paper are as follows: strengthen ROK-US alliance and expand security cooperation with regional powers in support of the maintenance of the current security order in the region; building-up of maritime security capacity in preparation for crisis on the maritime domain with the navy targeting to acquire 'a non-nuclear, balance-of-terror capability, to improve interoperability with the Coast Guard based on 'a national fleet,' and to actively pursue innovation in naval science and technology. Finally, this paper proposes that naval capability the country needs in another twenty years depends on how effectively and rigorously the navy put its utmost efforts towards building 'a strongest navy' today.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Aviation and Aeronautics
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.31-40
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• 2009

South Korea opened Incheon international airport(IIA) in march 29, 2001, with high expectations of becoming the distribution hub of Northeast Asia and aiming at a world best air hub. IIA compares quite well with any other leading airports in the world in it's facilities for the movement of people and vehicles. However, with the sequence of events following the September, 2001. terrorist attack and the war in Iraq, South Korea, an ally of the US, cannot be considered a safe haven from terrorism. At a point in time when national security is given utmost importance, it is necessary to reevaluate the security of airports, because international terrorism can only occur via air and seaports. Nowadays all the countries of the world have entered into competition for their national interests and innovation of their images. with the increasing role of international airports also comes an increased likelihood as a terrorist target, because it can affect so many people and countries. From the condition of current international terrorism, we can realize that our IIA is not completely safe from a terrorist attack. The major part of counterterrorism is event control process. It's very important for quickly saves an accident and rescues a life of person, In addition for the normalization which the airport operation is prompt. In conclusion, we should secure the legal responsibility and establish and establish a system under which we can work actively in order to implement counter terror activities from being taken an airport.

• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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• v.22
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• pp.255-285
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• 2004

After more than 15 years of negotiations, China was finally able to achieve the WTO membership, opening up new trade opportunities for China as well as existing WTO members. China accepted a special safeguard mechanism as one of its WTO- plus commitments. And in response, Korea has since introduced China special safeguard rules, which in simple terms, allows an invocation of safeguard measures against Chinese product imports under more lapse conditions than would normally be allowed under the existing general safeguard rules. China also introduced new safeguard rules in November 2001 in an effort to increase transparency in its operation of safeguard measures. However, the current article contends that the new rules pose a serious threat to free trade in the form of the retaliation provision, which enables China to take unilateral retaliatory actions against safeguard measures on Chinese product imports, It indicates that the provision could be operated in an arbitrary manner as the US Super 301, and lead to infringements of WTO disciplines. This paper indicates that the foregoing elements could lead to mort trade disputes between Korea China regarding safeguard measures and subsequent retaliations on the hills of the so called the Garlic War. The current article goes on to offer policy recommendations toward deterring such disputes. First, it recommends a more active invocation of Korea's own retaliatory provision against China's unilateral actions at least to gain negotiating leverage. Second, it sites problems involving China's still conspicuous state-trading practices, and proposes to raise issues again China to induce more faithful implementation of WTO disciplines Final, it stresses the importance of preventing disputes before they arise, and suggests several specific preventive measures.