• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제7권3호
• /
• pp.115-144
• /
• 2023

特朗普政府时期美国已表明了 "中国是美国的战略竞争者, 也是修正主义势力, 更是对美国繁荣和安全的主要挑战" 这种立场, 拜登政府也基本上继承了这种对中国的认识。中国也对此积极应对。因此, 美中战略竞争已成为当今国际体系中最重要的背景因素, 也对东北亚安全局势产生了巨大的影响。尽管如此, 观察最近韩美日三边安全合作的形成过程时我们可以发现, 尹锡悦总统上台之后韩国的对外战略调整对韩美日三边安全合作的形成起到了关键性作用。这是因为美国一如既往希望构建的韩美日三边安全合作的成败取决于韩日关系的改善, 而尹锡悦政府不顾韩国国内政治的制约因素, 果断推动了韩日关系的快速改善。随后, 在戴维营召开的韩美日三国峰会为未来三国在安全及其他更广泛领域的合作奠定了基础。中国对韩美日三边安全合作的形成提出了强烈的不满和抗议。但本文认为, 韩国虽然同意与美国和日本形成韩美日三边安全合作, 但韩国的战略目标与美国和日本的战略目标都不完全一致。比如, 回顾冷战结束之后的美日同盟发展历程, 美国与日本都对中国的崛起持有类似的看法和认识。最近几年美日同盟加强的实际目标也主要是如何应对中国的崛起。与此相反, 韩国历届政府都对韩美日三边安全合作持消极的态度。这是因为韩国想要追求的最主要的战略目标是如何减少或消除来自北韩的威胁, 而不是应对中国。面对北韩不断增强的挑衅与威胁, 过半数的韩国人支持通过加强韩美日三边安全合作来遏制或缓解来自北韩的威胁。因此, 只要北韩的核威胁与导弹挑衅持续存在, 那韩国的对外战略方向就很可能是加强韩美日三边安全合作, 以确保自身的安全与生存。所以, 如果中国想要减少韩美日三边安全合作给中国带来的战略上的压力, 最好的方案是降低北韩对韩国的挑衅和威胁, 在让北韩放弃核武器的问题上扮演更加实质性的角色。

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권41호
• /
• pp.52-84
• /
• 2017

After finishing Cold War, the U.S. Navy's ability to Sea control has been gradually eroded last 15-20 years. The global security environment demands that the surface Navy rededicate itself to sea control, as a new group of potential adversaries is working to deny U.S. navy command of the sea. China has been increasing their sea denial capability, such as extended anti-surface cruise missile and anti-surface ballistic missile. To cope with this situation, the U.S. Naval Surface Forces Command has announced Surface Forces Strategy: Return to Sea Control. It is a new operating and organizing concept for the U.S. surface fleet called 'distributed lethality'. Under distributed lethality, offensive weapons such as new ASCMs are to be distributed more widely across all types of Navy surface ships, and new operational concept for Navy surface fleet's capability for attacking enemy ships and make it less possible for an enemy to cripple the U.S. fleet by concentrating its attack on a few very high-value Navy surface ships. By increasing the lethality of the surface ships and distributing them across wide areas, the Navy forces potential adversaries to not only consider the threat from our carrier-based aircraft and submarines, but they now consider the threat form all of those surface ships. This idea of using the distributed lethality template to generate surface action groups and adaptive force package and to start thinking about to increase the lethal efficacy of these ships. The U.S. Navy believes distributed lethality increases the Navy's sea control capability and expands U.S. conventional deterrence. Funding new weapons and renovated operating concept to field a more lethal and distributed force will enable us to establish sea control, even in contested area. The U.S. Navy's Surface Forces Strategy provides some useful implications for The ROK Navy. First the ROK Navy need to reconsider sea control mission. securing sea control and exploiting sea control are in a close connection. However, recently the ROK Navy only focuses on exploiting sea control, for instance land attack mission. the ROK Navy is required to reinvigorate sea control mission, such as anti-surface warfare and anti-air warfare. Second, the ROK Navy must seek the way to improve its warfighting capability. It can be achieved by developing high-edge weapons and designing renewed operating concept and embraced new weapon's extended capabilities.

• 산업경영시스템학회지
• /
• 제39권1호
• /
• pp.98-104
• /
• 2016

With the development of modern science and technology, weapon systems such as tanks, submarines, combat planes, radar are also dramatically advanced. Among these weapon systems, the ballistic missile, one of the asymmetric forces, could be considered as a very economical means to attack the core facilities of the other country in order to achieve the strategic goals of the country during the war. Because of the current ballistic missile threat from the North Korea, establishing a missile defense (MD) system becomes one of the major national defense issues. This study focused on the optimization of air defense artillery units' deployment for effective ballistic missile defense. To optimize the deployment of the units, firstly this study examined the possibility of defense, according to the presence of orbital coordinates of ballistic missiles in the limited defense range of air defense artillery units. This constraint on the defense range is originated from the characteristics of anti-ballistic missiles (ABMs) such as PATRIOT. Secondly, this study proposed the optimized mathematical model considering the total covering problem of binary integer programming, as an optimal deployment of air defense artillery units for defending every core defense facility with the least number of such units. Finally, numerical experiments were conducted to show how the suggested approach works. Assuming the current state of the Korean peninsula, the study arbitrarily set ballistic missile bases of the North Korea and core defense facilities of the South Korea. Under these conditions, numerical experiments were executed by utilizing MATLAB R2010a of the MathWorks, Inc.

• 한국정보통신학회논문지
• /
• 제19권5호
• /
• pp.1251-1258
• /
• 2015

최근 사이버 무기의 발전으로 사이버전의 위협이 점점 더 증가되고 있다. 이미 사이버전을 경험한 국가들은 피해가 사이버상에서만 국한 되는 것이 아니라 물리적인 피해까지 영향을 받게 되어 피해가 상당하다. 이렇기 때문에 각국은 사이버전에 대비하기 위해 끊임없이 노력을 하고 있다. 먼저, 사이버전을 대비하기 위해서는 각국의 사이버전 역량이 파악되어야 하며, 비교 / 분석을 통해 사이버전 대응방안을 모색해야 한다. 본 논문에서는 기존 사이버전의 역량평가 방법에 대해서 비교 / 분석해보고, 향상점을 도출하여 사이버전 역량 평가 개선안을 연구하였다. 개선된 사이버전 역량 평가를 통해서 한국에 영향을 줄 수 있는 국가들을 대상으로 사이버전 역량 평가를 실시하였으며, 평가 결과를 비교 / 분석함으로 한국의 사이버전 역량의 보완점을 도출하여 사이버전 역량 강화 방안을 제시하였다.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제57권2호
• /
• pp.265-284
• /
• 2011

This paper examines how Sedgwick makes a political allegory of founding the nation in domestic terms in The Linwoods (1835). Set in the Revolutionary period, The Linwoods is a historical fiction reconstructed by the writer in order to diagnose currently controversial issues. In this aspect, Sedgwick's interest in history is genealogical in Foucaudian sense. Foucault's genealogical method provides a way of recuperating a part of history hidden, submerged, obliterated by the official history. Seen in a genealogical perspective, the story of the Linwoods can be viewed as a political allegory in order to explore political conflicts of Sedgwick's own day. Faced with the threat of national disunion presented in the Nullification Crisis of sectional conflicts and divisions, Sedgwick attempts to provide a fictional solution to the first serious challenge to the U. S. Constitution. Going back to the times around the American Revolution, Sedgwick emphasizes how strenuously the American Constitution of America was formed as the outcome of the war against the tyranny of Britain, and how the Union was made on the basis of the cooperation between the States. By posing a contrast of political positions between family members, Sedgwick imagines a family/nation that allows diverse political positions. The conclusion of a diversity of marriages between man and woman who agree to be united after overcoming their differences in political affiliations seems to show her conservative proclivity to support the Union. However, by emphasizing the principles of freedom and equality represented by the significant role of Isabella and Rose, an African-American slave, in the victory of the American Revolution, Sedgwick also supports the spirit of the Jacksonian American democracy.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제57권3호
• /
• pp.515-527
• /
• 2011

Miss Pettigrew Lives for a Day, Winifred Watson's novel of 1938, is a fairytale in novel form. Set in London of 1938, the story revolves around a one-day adventure of an ill-starred but truthful governess who is granted a second chance. This light-hearted comedy of manners was turned into a film by director Bharat Nalluri in 2008. An Anglo-American collaboration, co-scripted by Simon Beaufoy and David McGee, the film converts Watson's quaint novel into an edged heritage piece that encapsulates the 1930s, the problematic decade between the two World Wars. The film, while sustaining the narrative core of Watson's Cinderella story, attempts to place it firmly within a wider current of the novel's setting or London in 1938, tapping into the major concerns of the interwar years that engage with characters in one way or another. Stylistically, the film presents Art Deco as a main visual idiom to convey the prevailing mood of nihilism and decadence of the day. The setting here takes on significance in that it offers a telling counterpoint to the giddy superficial world of the novel. The 1930s was a highly charged decade under the threat of fascism and the Great Depression, fraught with economic and socio-political tensions and apprehensions. The film makes an explicit reference to the dismal context which is suppressed in the original text. The thirties is, therefore, portrayed as a decade of contradiction. It features gay buoyant festivity, rampant consumerism, and shifting morals and attitudes towards love, marriage and sexuality. Yet lurking beneath the surface glamour are the symptoms of crises and the deep-seated anxieties on the eve of World War II. In this way, Watson's novel of manners has been recreated into a defining film on the 1930s with its period feel propped by the atmospheric lighting, the exuberant Jazz score, and the splendid Art Deco costume and production design.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권43호
• /
• pp.57-88
• /
• 2018

Security situations are fundamentally and rapidly changing on the Korean Peninsula. Above all, as North Korea(NK) is heightening its nuclear and missile capabilities, Republic of Korea(ROK) is facing an existential threat. At the same time, as China's economic, diplomatic and military power is quickly rising, the balance of power is shifting and strategic competition between the Unite States(US) and China is accelerating in the Asia-Pacific region. Under the pressure of development of these situations, ROK seems to face allegedly the most serious crisis in its national security since the end of the Korean War. In the current grim geopolitical situation, maritime security may become the most difficult security challenge for ROK in the years to come. The purpose of this paper is to compare major changes in maritime security affairs of the ROK during last twenty years from 1998 until now(2018). 1998 was when this journal 『Strategy 21』 was published for the first time by the Korea Institute for Maritime Strategy. Then, this paper tries to identify challenges and risks with which this country has to deal for its survival and prosperity, and to propose some recommendations for the government, the Navy, and the Coast Guard as they are responsible for the maritime security of the country. The recommendations of this paper are as follows: strengthen ROK-US alliance and expand security cooperation with regional powers in support of the maintenance of the current security order in the region; building-up of maritime security capacity in preparation for crisis on the maritime domain with the navy targeting to acquire 'a non-nuclear, balance-of-terror capability, to improve interoperability with the Coast Guard based on 'a national fleet,' and to actively pursue innovation in naval science and technology. Finally, this paper proposes that naval capability the country needs in another twenty years depends on how effectively and rigorously the navy put its utmost efforts towards building 'a strongest navy' today.

• 한국항공운항학회지
• /
• 제17권2호
• /
• pp.31-40
• /
• 2009

South Korea opened Incheon international airport(IIA) in march 29, 2001, with high expectations of becoming the distribution hub of Northeast Asia and aiming at a world best air hub. IIA compares quite well with any other leading airports in the world in it's facilities for the movement of people and vehicles. However, with the sequence of events following the September, 2001. terrorist attack and the war in Iraq, South Korea, an ally of the US, cannot be considered a safe haven from terrorism. At a point in time when national security is given utmost importance, it is necessary to reevaluate the security of airports, because international terrorism can only occur via air and seaports. Nowadays all the countries of the world have entered into competition for their national interests and innovation of their images. with the increasing role of international airports also comes an increased likelihood as a terrorist target, because it can affect so many people and countries. From the condition of current international terrorism, we can realize that our IIA is not completely safe from a terrorist attack. The major part of counterterrorism is event control process. It's very important for quickly saves an accident and rescues a life of person, In addition for the normalization which the airport operation is prompt. In conclusion, we should secure the legal responsibility and establish and establish a system under which we can work actively in order to implement counter terror activities from being taken an airport.

• 무역상무연구
• /
• 제22권
• /
• pp.255-285
• /
• 2004

After more than 15 years of negotiations, China was finally able to achieve the WTO membership, opening up new trade opportunities for China as well as existing WTO members. China accepted a special safeguard mechanism as one of its WTO- plus commitments. And in response, Korea has since introduced China special safeguard rules, which in simple terms, allows an invocation of safeguard measures against Chinese product imports under more lapse conditions than would normally be allowed under the existing general safeguard rules. China also introduced new safeguard rules in November 2001 in an effort to increase transparency in its operation of safeguard measures. However, the current article contends that the new rules pose a serious threat to free trade in the form of the retaliation provision, which enables China to take unilateral retaliatory actions against safeguard measures on Chinese product imports, It indicates that the provision could be operated in an arbitrary manner as the US Super 301, and lead to infringements of WTO disciplines. This paper indicates that the foregoing elements could lead to mort trade disputes between Korea China regarding safeguard measures and subsequent retaliations on the hills of the so called the Garlic War. The current article goes on to offer policy recommendations toward deterring such disputes. First, it recommends a more active invocation of Korea's own retaliatory provision against China's unilateral actions at least to gain negotiating leverage. Second, it sites problems involving China's still conspicuous state-trading practices, and proposes to raise issues again China to induce more faithful implementation of WTO disciplines Final, it stresses the importance of preventing disputes before they arise, and suggests several specific preventive measures.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
• /
• 제53권4호
• /
• pp.289-292
• /
• 2020

Yemen has been faced with the worst cholera epidemic of modern times, with more than 1 million suspected cases and 3000 deaths at the time of writing. This problem is largely due to the longstanding civil war between pro-government forces and the Houthi armed movement, which has severely damaged already vulnerable sanitation and healthcare facilities and systems in the country. It is further compounded by a dire lack of basic amenities, chronic malnutrition, and unfavourable weather conditions. Another contributory component may be aerial transfer by cholera-infected chironomid insects. To contain the spread of cholera in Yemen, a nation-wide armistice should be negotiated, and national and local committees must be convened to coordinate efforts on the ground. Community isolation facilities with proper sanitation, reliable disposal systems, and a clean water supply should be set up to isolate and treat sick patients. The continuity of vaccination programmes should be ensured. Public health campaigns to educate local communities about good hygiene practices and nutrition are also necessary. The One Health paradigm emphasizes a multi-sectoral and transdisciplinary understanding and approach to prevent and mitigate the threat of communicable diseases. This paradigm is highly applicable to the ongoing cholera crisis in Yemen, as it demands a holistic and whole-of-society approach at the local, regional, and national levels. The key stakeholders and warring parties in Yemen must work towards a lasting ceasefire during these trying times, especially given the extra burden from the mounting severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) outbreak worldwide.