• Title/Summary/Keyword: thought of heaven

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An Introduction to the Study of the Outlook on the Highest Ruling Entity in Daesoonjinrihoe (II) - Focusing on 15 Godship and Yang-wui Sangje (Sangje in two Godship) - (대순진리회 상제관 연구 서설 (II) - 15신위와 양위상제를 중심으로 -)

  • Cha, Seon-keun
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.23
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    • pp.241-292
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    • 2014
  • This article as an attempt to analyze Jin-beop-joo(眞法呪, incantation of true law) and the view of Yang-wui Sangje(兩位上帝, Sangje in two Godship) corresponds to the second preliminary work prior to the research on the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. The points of this article are as follows: First, Jin-beop-joo and 15 Godship(神位) based hereupon are one of the most essential elements comprising the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. Since the other Jeungsan line religious orders except Daesoonjinrihoe does not use 15 Godship in explaining and understanding Jeungsan, this fact should be regarded as an important characteristic of Daesoonjinrihoe. Second, 15 Godship is the important installation to assemble Sangje and the other gods in the same place. In Buddhism temples and China-Taoism temples, the gods each are placed in a separate palace. Whereas Sangje and the gods are concentrated in the same place, Yound-Dae(靈臺) which is the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe. This fact shows Sangje takes the reins to the gods visually. 15 Godship facilitates that system. Third, the number 15 of 15 Godship symbolizes the natural laws of the cosmos. Thus the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe implies the law of universe emblematically. Forth, 15 Godship shows that the Highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe are located in the middle of the functional gods ruling over nature like mountain, sea, season, the Great Dipper, and Taoistic or Buddhistic gods like Ok-hwang Sangje(玉皇上帝, The Great Jade Emperor), Seoga-Yeorae(釋迦如來, Tathāgata Buddha), Kwan-seong-Jegoon(關聖帝君, Holy god Guan Yu), along with various envoys and ancestral gods. Besides, considering the fact that the majority of 15 Godship consists of the Eastern deities, it verifies the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe is built in the Eastern religions. Fifth, whereas the other Jeungsan line religious orders have a tendency of understanding Jeungsan as Ok-hwang Sangje, Daesoonjinrihoe worships Jeungsan as Gu-cheon Sangje(九天上帝), not as Ok-hwang Sangje. This accords with the following fact; Jeungsan is the highest ruling entity in Gu-cheon, whereas in Jinbeonju, which was handed down from Jeungsan, the highest ruling entitiy in Gu-cheon is expressed as a different being from Ok-hwang Sangje. Sixth, Daesoonjinrihoe understands Sangje as the form of two Godship, Yang-wui Sangje, which are Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje. Judging from the form of salutation, the status of these two Sangjes are the same. Yet, the object of belief is Gu-cheon Sangje as the highest God, while Ok-hwang Sangje is stipulated as the one who has wielded a true law succeeding to the Gu-cheon Sangje's will. The religious term of Yang-wui Sangje don't imply meaning Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje are the same rank. Yang-wui Sangje is the term expresses Sangje in two Godship and involves the orthodox heritage of Daesoonjinrihoe. Along with An Introduction to the Study of the Outlook on the Highest Ruling Entity in Daesoonjinrihoe (I), this article is written, while giving a thought to construct the religiography on the highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe. I hope this article accompanied with the previous one, can be contributed to the fertilization of the soil in the field of Daesoon religious studies.

Mohist's Idea of YiLi and Jianai (묵가의 의리관(義利觀)과 겸애(兼愛))

  • Lee, Taesung;Yun, Muhak
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.67
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    • pp.297-325
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    • 2017
  • In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

Mythicality and Anti-mythicality of Hunminjeongeum (『훈민정음』의 신화성과 반신화성 - 도상성을 중심으로)

  • Song, Hyo-sup
    • 기호학연구
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    • no.54
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    • pp.93-117
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    • 2018
  • The process of creating Hunminjeongeum described in Haerye version of Hunminjeongeum shows a rule of signification by which a signifiant represents a referent. In this article, I will suggest two types, the mythical and the anti-mythical, that affect the iconic relation between signifiant and referent, and consider how they are realized in Hunminjeongeum. The mythical type is shown as Yin-Yang and the Five Elements Theory and Three Elements Theory of Heaven, Earth and Man dominating the thought of intellectuals at that time. It had became mythos, that is the object of absolute belief, by connecting with the power of King at that time. It is very metaphysical and involves a kind of grand narrative. It is also the voice from the past in time and from China in space. It is reflected in Hunminjeongeum's letter system intactly. Meanwhile, the anti-mythical type also affects the creation of Icon in Hunminjeongeum. Even if Hunminjeongeum had been created from King Sejong's project, its intention seemed to be educational and practical. That is the problem of that time, not of past time, and for common class, not for ruling class. It can be considered as logos in that it had been planned and processed at a real-life situation at that time. Some arguments between King Sejong and liege Choi, Manri about the validity of Hunminjeongeum also show that the creation of Hunminjeongeum had involved the problem of critical logos. Above all, in that referents of Icons of Hunminjeongeum are the figures of human vocal organs, we can suggest that these Icons also implied an Indexicality implying actual connection between voice and body. It can be considered as a deconstrucion of metaphysics and grand narrative that had been dominated by foresaid mythical type. Hereafter, from time when Hunminjeongeum have been widely used, mythos of metaphysics and grand narrative that had dominated Hunminjeongeum have been deconstructed and Hunminjeongeum has become to realize its potential competence of pragmatic sign system for the convenience of common people. Therefore, I expect that the cultural potentiality of Hangul today can be realized by such tendency of logos incessantly deconstructing mythos, that is one direction of mythosemiosis.

Toesikje Garden and Landscape Culture in the Middle Goryeo Dynasty as Viewed through 'Dongkukesangkukjip' ('동국이상국집(東國李相國集)'을 통해 본 고려중기 퇴식재(退食齋) 원유와 조경문화)

  • Shin, Sang-Sup;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.28 no.2
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    • pp.57-66
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    • 2010
  • In reviewing 'Dongkukesangkukjip(東國李相國集)' a selection of prose and poetry describing Toesikje, the house of Kee Heung-soo, a military official in the middle Goryeo Dynasty, the outcome of the study intended to infer garden scenery and landscape culture managed and possessed by high society at that time is outlined as follows. First, Kee Heung-soo, the owner of the house and Lee Kyu-bo, the author of Toesikje Palryeng(退食齋八詠) are thought to be those who first designated the 8 scenic points and recreated the concept of public enjoyment of into the concept of personal enjoyment in Korea. Second, the spatial configuration of the Toesikje garden is presumed to be in the Gee-Seung-Jeon-Gyul(introduction-development-turn-conclusion) style in which a fairyland is built to enjoy a free and peaceful life, while anticipating coming days and pursuing creation-prosperity-transcendence-return. Third, the viewpoint structure of the scenery Wongyeong(Toesikje), Donggyeong(Youngcheondong), Cheonggyeong(Cheokseojung), Myunggyeong(Dokrakwon), Jingyeong(Yeonmukdang), Sigyeong(Yeoneuiji), Yunggyeong(Nokgunheon), and Hyungyeong(Daehoseok) contains a symbolic universal vision of Palchejigyeongsek(the 8 scenic points) which incorporates Samwon(heaven, earth and water) and Obangwi(orientations), and the harmonization principle of the scenic points where the building and garden are harmonized. Fourth, Je, Dang, and Heon, Jeong(齋, 堂, 軒, 亭) are introduced to the garden, and Geehwayeecho, Jingeumgeesoo, Gasan and Goeseok(stone) were used in a variety of ways. Fifth, it was found that the management of Shinseongyeong and enjoyment of Yoosanggoksu events, with the study and seeking of perfect knowledge and discipline, wandering and rest led to a sublime appreciation of aesthetic beauty and divine glory. Sixth, a miniature garden was built to enjoy the view from above, together with the view in the distance, and a culture of secluded living, along with scenery expressing the heart's desire for Utopia was induced.

The Study on the Concept of Earthly Immortality of Daesoonjinrihoe, Yeoju Headquarters (대순진리회의 지상신선 세계관 연구- 여주본부도장을 중심으로 -)

  • Min, Byeong-sam
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.27
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    • pp.35-77
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    • 2016
  • All humans are subject to death, and this creates a motivation to construct theories regarding divine immorality (神仙思想) in order to satisfy the human desire (慾望) for eternal life (長生) and the avoidance of death(不死). In the concept of Earthly immortality (地上神仙) from Daesoonjinrihoe (大巡眞理會), devotees do not carry out their work in a deep mountain ranges far removed from human society. Instead, they cultivate themselves in Dao from within the human society (自身修道), chant incantation to benefit others, aspire towards immortal status (神仙), and promote harmony between divine beings and humans (神人調和) all without ever leaving human society. In the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe, members created a new place called a "Dojang (道場 temple complex)" to live as immortal humans in the here and now while they chant incantations (呪文) as an act of participation in the Immortal Realm of the Later World (後天仙境). Some key religious and fengshui (geomancy) oriented symbols used within the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe appear as follows: first, Cheonggye Tower (靑溪塔) represents faith in traditional astrology (星宿神仰) and reverence for the God of the Nine Heavens (九天上帝). Second, Daesoonjinrihoe (大巡眞理會) emphasizes the Saturn associated earth element from five phases (五行土星) and this represent the Later World due to numerological associations. Third, the Fengshui of the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe is a highly propitious (吉地) and also accentuates the Saturn associated earth element from five phases. Fourth, Yeongdae (靈臺) in the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe faces west where Jeungsan will come accompanied by other gods (神命). Fifth, the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe is in charge of property and receives happiness and prosperity (福祿) through its Fengshui. The Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe is an earthly paradise for immortals (地上天國) forged to achieve the ultimate purpose of transforming its members into the Dotong (道通, those enlightened in Dao and thereby successful in their every endeavor) of the Later World. In accordance with Daesoon thought, the Saturn associated earth element from five phases is positioned in the middle of incantations, and Yeongdae, other architecture, and landscaping has all been arranged to correspond with Daesoon geomancy and numerology (後天數理).

Kobong(高峯)'s Philophy and the theory of Self-cultivation(修養) (고봉(高峯)의 성리학(性理學)과 수양론(修養論))

  • Kang, Heui Bok
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.31
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    • pp.33-52
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    • 2011
  • This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.

The Symbolism and Significance of the Dao Flag in Daesoon Jinrihoe (대순진리회 도기(道旗)의 상징과 의미)

  • Choi Chi-bong
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.43
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    • pp.103-137
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    • 2022
  • In religious symbology, an emblem is a symbolic mark, which differentiates a religion from other groups. In addition, it holds a symbolic or conceptual character that enables viewers to recognize a certain religion. Daesoon Jinrihoe, a representative order among Korean religious traditions, also has a symbolic mark; however, it has not been designated with an official name as symbol despite its usage dating back to May 11, 1978. At the time, that mark has served as an emblem. Afterwards, the emblem was printed and has been officially used as a flag (unofficially known as the Dao Flag, the Fellowship Flag, etc.) since October 20th of that same year. The emblem of Daesoon Jinrihoe which is not only printed in the flag but has been utilized as a symbolic mark representing the order. Nevertheless, it is hard to find research related to this symbol. Consequently, this study aims to apprehend the existing materials about the flag's emblem and its meaning, as well as attempt to interpret its various implications. Indeed, this work will suggest another point of view about the emblem given that it embraces ambiguity. This research suggests that the emblem symbolically depicts the Daesoon (Great Itineration), Samwon (三圓, Three Circles), Sadae (四大, Four Dae), and the Center, and that, all together, this can imply more profound meanings than were expressed in previously posited explanations. As such, this study draws further significance from Daesoon Thought and find: first, the circle in the center of the emblem signifies the pivot of Daesoon; not just the earthly circle (地圓) or the human circle (人圓). This opens up the possibility that the circle symbolizes Mugeuk (Limitlessness) and Taegeuk (Great Ultimate), which include the pivot of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. Secondly, the symbol of soil (土) in the center is separated from the human circle and reveals the symbol of harmony and creation as the rod shape of Four Dae. Thirdly, the protuberances in the circle point to specific directions and this allows for additional layers of meaning.

A Study on medical Qigong mentioned in ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) (${\ll}$삼일신고(三一神誥)${\gg}$에 나타난 의료기공(醫療氣功)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Ban, Chang-Yul
    • Journal of Korean Medical Ki-Gong Academy
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    • v.7 no.2
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    • pp.40-94
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    • 2004
  • Recently, meditation, Zen meditation and Qigong became popular in western. For that reason, Value of Korea traditional methods for health promotion have been evaluated but theoretical evidence about that is insufficient. ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經). So, I reviewed history of Korea Qigong according to period, in order to produce theoretical evidence of Korea medical Qigong and investigated ${\ulcorner}$Han${\lrcorner}$ thought (${\ulcorner}$${\lrcorner}$ 思想) as theoretical evidence of Korea Qigong. I have obtained following results by comparing meaning of god, a view of human body and practice method of the ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) with ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經). Sinsundo(神仙道) of native to race became active during the period of the Three Kingdoms but more disappeared due to under the influence of Taoism. So only has been remained in existence since the period of the unity silla. There could accept positively the foreign ideas belonging to Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism have been brought since the period of the Three Kingdoms because ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥), one of three the scriptures as the origin of ${\ulcorner}$Han${\lrcorner}$ thought(${\ulcorner}$${\lrcorner}$ 思想) included the original form of three religion belonging to Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism. Three common results as theoretical evidence of Qigong were found out by comparing ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) with ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經). First, in meaning of god, there is not only different from the gods of heaven and the gods of human but also keep understanding with each other and there was common feature of logical structure that function of god was divided into three. Second, In a view of human body, there were in common with ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) as theory of only as energy(氣一元論), theory of bisection as truth false(眞妄二分論), theory of trisection as spirit(性) destiny(命) nature(精) and mind(心) energy(氣) body(身)(性 命 精, 心 氣 身의 三分論) and ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經) as theory of only as energy(氣一元論), theory of bisection as shape and god(形神二分論), theory of trisection as nature(精) energy(氣) god(神) or shape(形) energy(氣) god(神)(精 氣 神, 形 氣 神의 三分論) according to formal part. Also, spirit(性) destiny(命) nature(精) as truths of three(三眞) were understand as nature(精) energy(氣) god(神) as treasure of three(三寶) by part of reason and mind(心) energy(氣) body(身) as false of three(三妄) were understand as nature(精) energy(氣) god(神) as treasure of three(三寶) by part of function. Third, In practice method, pause of thinking(止感) modulation of breath(調息). prohibition of sensibility(禁觸) mentioned in ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) as practice method each were understand regulation of an etiological cause as an internal cause, an external cause and not internal and external cause in oriental medicine. Namely, pause of thinking(止感) was understand as regulation method of emotion, mind and nature. modulation of breath(調息) was not only as modulation of energy from the inner parts of the body but also that from the internal and external parts of the body, prohibition of sensibility(禁觸) was understand as regulation method of ear, eye, mouth, and nose and posture, life style. These results suggest that ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) is worth meaning of Korea medical Qigong because meaning of god, a view of human body, practice method of mentioned in ${\ll}$Samilshingo${\gg}$ (三一神誥) is common with that of ${\ll}$The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic${\gg}$ (黃帝內經) as theoretical evidence of Qigong.

Yeoheon's Recognition of Geography and the Significance of the Compilation of Geographical Records by His Disciples (여헌(旅軒) 장현광(張顯光)의 지리인식(地理認識)과 문인(門人)들의 지지편찬(地誌編纂) 의의)

  • Choi, Wonsuk
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.49
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    • pp.73-107
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    • 2012
  • Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.