• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.39
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• pp.215-231
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• 2015

The Cultural Revolution in the history of Chinese animation hinder the development of the initial animation, and after a negative assessment instrument provided the cause is to become sluggish growth of the Chinese animation. So this time animation are things that are the subject of academic research studies or analysis has been depreciating almost uniformly without evaluation. However, of all the cultural and artistic creation it is developing in its own specific historical conditions and has the aesthetic results. This paper puts the primary purpose is to hold in consideration the aesthetic principles that led to cultural and artistic creativity and objective perspective the achievements the Chinese animation of the time period of the Cultural Revolution. Cultural Revolution is avoided to the previous period in accordance with the socialist ideology of Mao Ze-dong(毛澤東) sikindaneun highlight the culture of the proletariat and placed our goal to create a new class culture. Therefore, cultural and artistic creation of this period is often inconsistent with this part of our aesthetic principles generally accepted character has a non- elitist and anti properties. Best drama is a creative one hand as a model to implement the principles of aesthetics, art and culture Cultural Revolution period kkophimyeo reference for understanding the aesthetic principles that animated the Chinese Cultural Revolution period of orientation. This paper has San Tu Chu(三突出), Hong Guang Liang(紅光亮), and Gao Da Quan(高大全) at the time of the Cultural Revolution aesthetic principles are reflected in how the concrete work, the Cultural Revolution when the animation is how to accommodate these aesthetic principles and placed emphasis on comparative studies on best pole and correlation of the Cultural Revolution when the Chinese animation to ensure that adaptation in own way. First, after analyzing whether the aesthetic principles of focusing on the similarities of the best pole time of the Cultural Revolution and China, and how to implement animation in the works, these aesthetic principles according to the analysis of positive and negative influence on the creation of Chinese animation It was described as neutral. The detailed analysis and comparative study courses were trying to access in two significant aspects of the characters and scenes directing. In terms of character animation of the Cultural Revolution in China when a young boy or girl, emphasis should emphasize the health tinged with red lips and cheek blush to highlight the desired Gong Nong Bing(工農兵) shape as the main character and smooth texture and sophisticated highlights the glittering feeling to the touch, it was confirmed focused hayeoteum to implement the principle of 'Hong Guang Liang', highlighting the brilliant colors with a clean, bright colors. Highlighting a number of protagoniste compared to the antagonist in the animated scene of the Cultural Revolution a few times in terms of production and, among a number of protagoniste also emphasizes the outstanding hero figure, "yet three outstanding heroes heroic figures also emphasize the leading figures among the the director of the extrusion step-by-step approach "('San Tu Chu')was used. In addition, the hero figure is generally high and low angle by directing a large and perfect aesthetic appearance was to faithfully implement the principle of 'high-charged'('Gao Da Quan').

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.215-236
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• 2006

This article focused on the meaning of the 1979 Moon Treaty and its future. Although the Moon Treaty is one of the major 5 space related treaties, it was accepted by only 11 member states which are non-space powers, thus having the least enfluences on the field of space law. And this article analysed the relationship between the 1979 Moon Treay and 1967 Space Treaty which was the first principle treaty, and searched the meaning of the "Common Heritage of Mankind(hereinafter CHM)" stipulated in the Moon treaty in terms of international law. This article also dealt with the present and future problems arising from the Moon Treaty. As far as the 1967 Space Treaty is concerned the main standpoint is that outer space including the moon and the other celestial bodies is res extra commercium, areas not subject to national appropriation like high seas. It proclaims the principle non-appropriation concerning the celestial bodies in outer space. But the concept of CHM stipulated in the Moon Treaty created an entirely new category of territory in international law. This concept basically conveys the idea that the management, exploitation and distribution of natural resources of the area in question are matters to be decided by the international community and are not to be left to the initiative and discretion of individual states or their nationals. Similar provision is found in the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention that operates the International Sea-bed Authority created by the concept of CHM. According to the Moon Treaty international regime will be established as the exploitation of the natural resources of the celestial bodies other than the Earth is about to become feasible. Before the establishment of an international regime we could imagine moratorium upon the expoitation of the natural resources on the celestial bodies. But the drafting history of the Moon Treaty indicates that no moratorium on the exploitation of natural resources was intended prior to the setting up of the international regime. So each State Party could exploit the natural resources bearing in mind that those resouces are CHM. In this respect it would be better for Korea, now not a party to the Moon Treaty, to be a member state in the near future. According to the Moon Treaty the efforts of those countries which have contributed either directly or indirectly the exploitation of the moon shall be given special consideration. The Moon Treaty, which although is criticised by some space law experts represents a solid basis upon which further space exploration can continue, shows the expression of the common collective wisdom of all member States of the United Nations and responds the needs and possibilities of those that have already their technologies into outer space.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.35-73
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• 2014

This paper examined the poem world of Simjae(深齋) Cho Geung-seop(曺兢燮: 1873-1933) in the turning point of the modern era, focused on his Hwaunsi (和韻詩: Poems written by using the rhymes of other poets' poems). In his poems, there are lots of Hwaunsi on the poems of Tu Fu(杜甫) and Su Shi(蘇軾), especially. This makes him regarded as a medieval poet, engaged in Chinese poem creation in the most traditional method in the turbulent period. Looking at the Hawunsi(和韻詩) alone, Simjae's creative life became the starting point of turnaround at around 40 years old. Before the age of 40, the poets in the Tang Dynasty and Song Dynasty and Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty and Korean figures like Lee Hwang(李滉), as well as Tu Fu and Su Shi were the subjects of his Hwanunsi. After the age of 40, some examples of writing poems using the rhymes of other poets' poems, especially Korean figures related to regions, are often found, reducing Hwaunsi on Tu Fu and Su Shi. Simjae called Tu Fu the integration of poets, talking about the integrity of poetic talent and his being highly proficient in mood and view. As reflecting such an awareness, the themes and moods and views are demonstrated diversely in Simjae's Hwaunsi. Although, he did not reveal his thinking about the poems of Su Shi, he seemed to love Su Shi's poems to some degree. The closeness to the original poems, the poems of Tu Fu are relatively higher than those of Su Shi. Roughly speaking, Simjae tried to find his own individuality, intending to follow Tu Fu, but, he seemed to attempt to reveal his intention using Su Shi's poems, rather than trying to imitate. To carefully examine, Simjae wrote Hwaunsi, but he did not just imitate, but revealed the aesthetics of comparison and difference. In many cases, he made new meanings by implanting his intentions in the poems, while sharing the opportunity of creation, rather than bringing the theme and mood and view as they are. The Hwaunsi on Su Shi's poems reveal the closeness to the original poems relatively less. This can be the trace of an effort to make his own theme and individuality, not being dominated by the Hwaun(和韻: using the rhymes of other poets' poems) entirely, as he used the creative method having many restrictions. However, it is noted that the Hwaunsi on Tu Fu's poems was not written much, after the age of 40. Is this the reason why he realized literary reality that he could not cope with anymore with only his effort within the Hwaunsi? For example, he wrote four poems by borrowing Su Shi's Okjungsi(獄中詩: poem written in jail) rhymes and also wrote Gujung Japje(拘中雜題), in 1919, while he was detained. In these poems, his complex contemplation and emotion, not restricted by any poet's rhymes, are revealed diversely. Simjae's Hwaunsi testifies the reality, in which Chinese poetry's habitus existed and the impressive existence mode at the turning point of the modern era. Although, the creation of Hwaunsi reflects his disposition of liking the old things, it is judged that his psychology, resisting modern characters' change, affected to some degree in the hidden side. In this regard, Simaje's Hwaunsi encounters limitation on its own, however, it has significance in that some hidden facts were revealed in the modern Chinese poetry history, which was captured with attention under the name of novelty, eccentricity and modernity.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.87-102
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• 1999

Objectives : The purposes of this study were to estimate the prevalence rate of eating disorders in Korean males and to clarify their characteristics in sociodemograhic data, the eating traits, and general psychopathology through the comparison with those of female high scored group on the Korean version of Eating Attitudes Test-26(KEAT-26). Methods : Using a multi-stage questionnaire sampling method including area sampling, proportionated stratified sampling, and quota sampling, we surveyed a total of 4,400 Korean adults over 18 in a nationwide area(9 kus, 10 middle or small cities, and 17 kuns), obtaining usable responses on 3,896. Of the 3,062 subjects(1249 males and 1813 females) who were available for analysis, we ascertained 52 males and 208 females who had high score($\geq$ cutoff point 21) on the KEAT-26. Results : 1) The proportion of this high score group was 1.7% in male and 6.8% in female with a sex ratio(male versus female) of 1 : 4. 2) The mean age was higher in the male group than in the female group, although it was not statistically significant(p=0.0514). Mean Body Mass Index(BMI) of the male group was significantly higher than that of female group, and the number of male subjects with below 20 of BMI was also significantly lower than in the female group. 3) There were no significant difference in past history of physical illness between two groups. However, frequency of smoking and alcohol use, and mean amount of alcohol consumption per month were significantly higher in the male group than in the female group. There were no significant differences between the two groups on various socio-demographic correlates such as economic status, total duration of education, number of family, marital status, religious status, and area of residence, but the exception of being occupational status. 4) The 'Eating Habits Scale' score and score of 'preference for vegetables and fish, and dislike for sweet-tasting food' of the male group were significantly lower than those of the female group. Although there was no significant difference between the two groups in total scores of the KEAT-26, the mean score on 'pursuit of thinness' subscale was higher in the female group than in the male group, while scores of 'food preoccupation' and 'self-control' subscales were higher in the male group than in the female group. 5) Scores on 'psychoticism' was significantly higher in the male group than in the female group, although there were no significant differences between the two groups on 'locus of control for weight', 'depression' and 'hypochondriasis'. Conclusion : These results support a possibility of a high prevalence of eating disorders in Korean males. These results suggest that eating related characteristics of high scorer on the EAT are different by sex in spite of the same high score on the EAT, and also suggest that male patients with eating disorders have more serious personality pathology than female patients with eating disorders.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.33-44
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• 2003

Background : Mycobacterium avium complex(MAC) is the most common respiratory pathogen in nontuberculous mycobacterial pulmonary disease. This study described the clinical characteristics of the patients with pulmonary disease caused by MAC. Materials and Methods : The clinical characteristics of 24 patients with pulmonary disease caused by the MAC, who fulfilled the 1997 American Thoracic Society diagnostic criteria for nontuberculous mycobacterial pulmonary disease, were retrospectively analyzed. Results : Fourteen patients(58%) were male and the median age at diagnosis was 61 years(range 46-75). Of the 24 patients, 16(67%) had a M. intracellulare infection, 7(29%) had a M. avium infection and one patient was not identified. Coughing (92%) and sputum (88%) were most frequently observed symptoms. The sputum smear for acid-fast bacilli was positive in 17(71%) patients. Fourteen(58%) patients had the upper lobe cavitary form and 10(42%) patients had the nodular bronchiectatic form. In a comparison between the patients with the upper lobe cavitary form and those with the nodular bronchiectatic form, significant differences were found according to sex(male 86% vs. 20%, p=0.003), smoking history(79% vs. 10%, p=0.008), the presence of an underlying disease(64% vs. 20%, p=0.036), the pulmonary function(% forced vital capacity, median 71% vs. 88%, p=0.022; % forced expiratory volume in one second, median 69% vs. 89%, p=0.051) and bilateral disease at chest radiography(29% vs. 90%, p=0.005). The time from the onset of symptoms to diagnosis was longer in those with the nodular bronchiectatic form(median 72 months, range 8-132) than those with the upper lobe cavitary form(median 22 months, range 6-60) Conclusions : MAC pulmonary disease occurs in two distinct populations with two distinct clinical presentations. For a correct diagnosis of MAC pulmonary disease, knowledge of the diverse clinical and radiological findings is essential.

• Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.41-54
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• 2007

Background : The causes of chest pain vary but the leading cause of chest pain is ischemic heart disease. Mortality from ischemic chest pain has increased more than two fold over the last ten years. The purpose of this study was to determine the data necessary for rapid treatment of patients with signs and symptoms of ischemic chest pain in the emergency department (ED). Materials and Methods : We interviewed 170 patients who had ischemic chest pain in the emergency department of Yeungnam University Hospital over 6 months with a protocol developed for the evaluation. The protocol used included gender, age, arriving time, prior hospital visits, methods of transportation to the hospital, past medical history, final diagnosis, and outcome information from follow up. Results : Among 170 patients, there were 118 men (69.4%) and the mean age was 63 years. The patients diagnosed with acute myocardial infarction (AMI) were 106 (62.4%) and with angina pectoris (AP) were 64 (37.6%). The patients who had visited another hospital were 68.8%, twice the number that came directly to this hospital (p<0.05). The ratio of patients who visited another hospital were higher for the AMI (75.5%) than the AP (59.4%) patients (p<0.05). The median time spent deciding whether to go to hospital was 521 minutes and for transportation was 40 minutes. With regard to patients that visited another hospital first, the median time spent at the other hospital was 40 minutes. The total median time spent before arriving at our hospital was 600 minutes (p>0.05). The patients who had a total time delay of over 6 hours was similar 54.8% in the AMI group and 57.9% in the AP group (p>0.05). As a result, only 12.2% of the patients with an AMI received thrombolytics, and 48.8% of them had a simultaneous percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI). In the emergency department 8.5% of the patients with an AMI died. Conclusion : Timing is an extremely important factor for the treatment of ischemic heart disease. Most patients arrive at the hospital after a long time lapse from the onset of chest pain. In addition, most patients present to a different hospital before they arrive at the final hospital for treatment. Therefore, important time is lost and opportunities for treatment with thrombolytics and/or PCI are diminished leading to poor outcomes for many patients in the ED. The emergency room treatment must improve for the identification and treatment of ischemic heart disease so that patients can present earlier and treatment can be started as soon as they present to an emergency room.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.290-300
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• 1998

Background: CYFRA 21-1 is a tumor marker which measures a fragment of cytokeratin 19 expressed by epithelial cells in bronchus. It is known that cytokeratin 19 is abundant in squamous epithelial cell cancer of the lung. However, if the incidence of elevated serum CYFRA 21-1 level in patients with benign lung diseases or pulmonary tuberculosis with severe parenchymal damage is high the specificity of CYFRA 21-1 could be decreased. The purpose of this study is to investigate the changes of serum CYFRA 21-1 according to the degree of parenchymal damage and the usefulness of CYFRA 21-1 for diagnosing possibly combined lung cancer in patients with pulmonary tuberculosis. Method: We studied the changes of serum CYFRA 21-1 according to the sputum AFB stain, radiologic manifestation and history of treatment in 81 patients with pulmonary tuberculosis, and 20 healthy persons, 25 patients with lung cancer, as a control group. CYFRA 21-1 concentration in serum was quantified by the immunoradiometry assay(Centocor$^{(R)}$). Result: The results were as follow; Serum CYFRA 21-1 level was significantly lower in patients with pulmonary tuberculosis($1.54{\pm}1.19ng/mL$, p<0.01) as compared to patients with lung cancer($12.25{\pm}15.97ng/mL$), and was slightly higher than the level in heathy persons($0.90{\pm}0.49ng/mL$) but there was no significant difference. Serum CYFRA 21-1 level was below the cut-off value of 3.3ng/mL in 95 percent of patients with pulmonary tuberculosis but it was above the cut-off value in 64 percent of patients with lung cancer. Serum CYFRA 21-1 level was significantly higher in the initial treatment group($1.91{\pm}1.55ng/mL$, p<0.05) as compared to the treatment. failure group ($0.92{\pm}0.30ng/mL$). According to the sputum AFB smear, serum CYFRA 21-1 level in patients with negative result was slightly higher than the level in patients with positive result but there was no significant difference. According to the radiologic manifestation, serum CYFRA 21-1 level was significantly higher in patients with infiltrative lesion ($2.15{\pm}1.63ng/mL$, p<0.01) as compared to patients with destructive lesion ($l.04{\pm}0.54ng/mL$). As the size of cavity or destructive lesion was larger, the level was significantly lower(p<0.05). Conclusion: As serum CYFRA 21-1 level was significantly higher in the initial treatment group and patients with infiltrative lesion, it suppose to be closely related with the degree of parenchymal damage of the lung of the pulmonary tuberculosis. However CYFRA 21-1 could be useful method for diagnosing lung cancer even in patients with pulmonary tuberculosis combined with lung cancer because of the fact that it was below the cutoff value of 3.3ng/mL in 95 percent of patients with pulmonary tuberculosis.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.24 no.3 s.35
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• pp.363-372
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• 1991

We used the health screening data of some rural and urban residents to examine the cross-sectional association between leukocyte count and hypertension. The 206 male and 203 female rural residents were selected by multi-stage cluster sampling method in Kyungsan-Kun area of Kyungbuk province in 1985 and 600 urban residents were selected by the same sampling method as the rural residents in Daegu city of the same province in 1986 compatible with age-sex distribution of Daegu city of 1985 census, but of whom 384 actually responded. The rest of 600 were replaced by age and sex with those who were members of the medical insurance plan visiting the health management department of the university hospital to get the biannual preventive medical checkups. Excluded in the analysis were those having hypertensive history, diseases and extreme outlying values of the screening tests, leaving 373 rural and 571 urban residents. Leukocyte count was measured with ELT-8 Laser shadow method and the unit $cells/mm^3$, Blood pressures were determined with an aneroid sphygmomanometer with pre-standardized method and hypertensives were defined as those showing systolic blood pressure more than 140mmHg and/or diastolic blood pressure more than 90mmHg. Total residents pooled (N=944) showed a significant difference between hypertensives and normotensives ($6965.93{\pm}1997.01\;vs\;6490.61{\pm}1941.32,\;P=0.00$) and in rural residents was noted the similar significant difference (P=0.03). None of significant differences were noted in any stratum stratified by residency and sex. Compared to the lowest quintile of WBC, 2/5 quintile showed odds ratio 0.99 (95% Confidence interval, Ci 0.62-1.59), 3/5 quintile 1.41 (95% CI 0.90-2.21), 4/5 quintile 1.76 (95% CI. 1.14-2.72), and highest quintile 1.80 (1.15-2.82) in the total residents. Likelihood ratio test for linear trend for it indicated a significant trend ($X^2_{trend}=5.53,\;df=1,\;P<0.05$). There were no other significant odds ratios compared to the lowest quintile of WBC in strata stratified by residency and sex. The odds ratios in total residents which had showed significant odds ratios became nonsignificant and of reduced magnitude after controlling age, frequency of smoking and drinking with multiple logistic. regression. In each stratum, it changed magnitudes of odds ratios slightly and unstably. None of the trend tests showed any significant trend. These results suggest that the Friedman et al's finding of association between leukocyte count and hypertension may be due to an statistical type I error resulting from the data dredging in an exploratory study, in which more than 800 variables were screened as possible predictors of hypertension.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.513-545
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• 2000

I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. It can reach at the joints or muscles or whole body and make pains. Numbness and movement disorders. BiJeung can be devided into SilBi and HeoBi. In SilBi there are PungHanSeupBi, YeolBi and WanBi. In HeoBi, there are GiHyeolHeoBi, EumHeoBi and YangHeoBi. The common principle for the treatment of BiJeung is devision of the chronic stage and the acute stage. In the acute stage, BiJeung is usually cured easily but in the chronic stage, it is difficult. In the terminal stage, BiJeung can reach at the internal organs. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. BanSuMun(斑秀文) thought that BiJeung can be cured by blocking of blood stream. So he insisted that the important thing to cure BiJeung is to improve the blood stream. He usually used DangGuiSaYeokTang(當歸四逆湯), DangGuiJakYakSanHapORyeongSan, DoHong-SaMulTang(桃紅四物湯), SaMyoSanHapHeuiDongTang and HwangGiGyeJiOMulTang. 2. JangGeonBu(張健夫) focused on soothing muscles and improving blood seam. So he used many herbs like WiRyeongSeon(威靈仙), GangHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活), WooSeul(牛膝), etc. Especially he pasted wastes of the boiled herbs. 3. OSeongNong(吳聖農) introduced four rules to treat arthritis. So he usually used SeoGak-SanGaGam(犀角散加減), BoYanHwanOTang(補陽還五湯), ODuTang(烏頭湯), HwangGiGyeJiOMulTang. 4. GongJiSin thought disk hernia as one kind of BiJeung. And he said that Pung can hurt upper limbs and Seup can hurt lower limbs. He used to use GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯). 5. LoJiJeong(路志正) introduced four principles to treat BiJeung. He used BangPungTang(防風湯), DaeJinGuTang) for PungBi(風痺), OPaeTang(烏貝湯) for HanBi(寒痺), YukGunJaTang(六君子湯) for SeupBi(濕痺) and SaMyoTang(四妙湯), SeonBiTang(宣痺湯), BaekHoGaGyeTang(白虎加桂湯) for YeolBi(熱痺). 6. GangChunHwa(姜春華) discussed herbs. He said SaengJiHwang(生地黃) is effective for PungSeupBi and WiRyungSun(威靈仙) is effective for the joints pain. He usually used SipJeonDaeBoTang(十全大補湯), DangGuiDaeBoTang(當歸大補湯), YoukGunJaTang(六君子湯) and YukMiJiHwanTang(六味地黃湯). 7. DongGeonHwa(董建華) said that the most important thing to treat BiJeung is how to use herbs. He usually used CheonO(川烏), MaHwang(麻黃) for HanBi, SeoGak(犀角) for YeolBi, BiHae) or JamSa(蠶沙) for SeupBi, SukJiHwang(熟地黃) or Vertebrae of Pigs for improving the function of kidney and liver, deer horn or DuChung(杜沖) for improving strength of body and HwangGi(黃?) or OGaPi(五加皮) for improving the function of heart. 8. YiSuSan(李壽山) devided BiJeung into two types(PungHanSeupBi, PungYeolSeupBi). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯) for the treatment of gout. And he liked to use HwanGiGyeJiOMulTangHapSinGiHwan 枝五物湯合腎氣丸) for the treat ment of WanBi(頑痺). 9. AnDukHyeong(顔德馨) made YongMaJeongTongDan(龍馬定痛丹)-(MaJeonJa(馬錢子) 30g, JiJaChung 3g, JiRyong(地龍) 3g, JeonGal(全蝎) 3g, JuSa(朱砂) 0.3g) 10. JangBaekYou(張伯臾) devided BiJeung into YeolBi and HanBi. And he focused on improving blood stream. 11. JinMuO(陳茂梧) introduced anti-wind and dampness prescription(HoJangGeun(虎杖根) 15g, CheonChoGeun 15g, SangGiSaeng(桑寄生) 15g, JamSa(蠶絲) 15g, JeMaJeonJa(制馬錢子) 3g). 12. YiChongBo(李總甫) explained basic prescriptions to treat BiJeung. He used SinJeongChuBiEum(新定推痺陰) for HaengBi(行痺), SinJeongHwaBiSan(新定化痺散) for TongBi(痛痺), SinJeongGaeBiTang(新定開痺湯) for ChakBi(着痺), SinJeongCheongBiEum(新定淸痺飮) for SeupYeolBi(濕熱痺), SinRyeokTang(腎瀝湯) for PoBi(胞痺), ORyeongSan for BuBi(腑痺), OBiTang(五痺湯) for JangBi(臟痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯) for SingChakByeong(腎着病). 13. HwangJeonGeuk(黃傳克) used SaMu1SaDeungHapJe(四物四藤合制) for the treatment of a acute arthritis, PalJinHpPalDeungTang(八珍合八藤湯) or BuGyeJiHwangTangHapTaDeungTang(附桂地黃湯合四藤湯) for the chronic stage and ByeolGapJeungAekTongRakEum(鱉甲增液通絡飮) for EumHeo(陰虛) 14. GaYeo(柯與參) used HwalRakJiTongTang(活絡止痛湯) for shoulder ache, SoJongJinTongHwalRakTank(消腫鎭痛活絡湯) for YeolBi(熱痺), LiGwanJeolTang(利關節湯) for ChakBi(着痺), SinBiTang(腎痺湯) for SinBi(腎痺) and SamGyoBoSinHwan(三膠補腎丸) for back ache. 15. JangGilJin(蔣길塵) liked to use hot-character herbs and insects. And he used SeoGeunLipAnTang(舒筋立安湯) as basic prescription. 16. RyuJangGeol(留章杰) used GuMiGangHwalTang(九味羌活湯) and BangPungTang(防風湯) at the acute stage, ODuTang(烏頭湯) or GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯) for HanBi of internal organs, YangHwaHaeEungTang(陽和解凝湯) for HanBi, DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯), EuiYiInTang(薏苡仁湯) for SeupBi, YukGunJaTang(六君子湯) for GiHeoBi(氣虛痺) and SeongYouTang(聖兪湯) for HyeolHeoBi(血虛痺). 17. YangYuHak(楊有鶴) liked to use SoGyeongHwalHyelTang(疏經活血湯) and he would rather use DoIn(桃仁), HongHwa(紅花), DangGui(當歸), CheonGung(川芎) than insects. 18. SaHongDo(史鴻濤) made RyuPungSeupTang(類風濕湯)-((HwangGi 200g, JinGu 20g, BangGi(防己) 15g, HongHwa(紅花) 15g, DoIn(桃仁) 15g, CheongPungDeung(靑風藤) 20g, JiRyong(地龍) 15g, GyeJi(桂枝) 15g, WoSeul(牛膝) 15g, CheonSanGap(穿山甲) 15g, BaekJi(白芷) 15g, BaekSeonPi(白鮮皮) 15g, GamCho(甘草) 15g).