• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.18
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• pp.225-245
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• 1992

The button is a part of costume. But it has the symbolism of costume in itself and reflects the sociocultural phenomena. The purpose of this study is to clarify symbolism of button of eighteenth and nineteenth century which had been most popular. This study is based on the library research. Through this paper, I reached conclusions as follows. The symbolism of button is found in various ways. First, Aesthetics is found in material, color, design and type etc. of button. Especially Indian silver button of abstract type shows well distinctive aesthetics of Indians. Second, The material and the number of button vary with one's status and show off one's privilege. I England, there was the rule, in which the symbol of the King was a silver button with a figure of lion. The livery button represents his family to the nble and shows the meaning of obedience to the servant. Third, The button on uniform varies with ranks. This is prominent in a uniform of a soldier or a policeman. Fourth Material and craft of button show one's economic position. The button gives a Very good picture of what one's life was then. Precious button with gold, silver, and other jewels is an index to one's property. Fifth, The button of political event is used for election, which shows the face and the name of runner. Besides that, there were buttons designed for the flag or the slogan for political event. Sixth, The button of social event reflects a social phase of life in war or revolution, for example, it satirizes the burning of the Bastille in the French Revolution, or the taxpayer bearing the burden. Seventh, the buttons that symbolize a historic event are made to commemorante an epochal and critical occurrence or an important person's birth, death, visit to some place, etc., Eighth, there were well-known persons, for example, a president, a king, a queen, a singer, or an artist in the buton of personality. Nineth, The button of one's company shows one's community in figures or pictures, that is, this button is used as a symbol one's community. Tenth, The button varies with the development of science and technology. It gives a very good picture of what it was and what the technological level was. Eleventh, The buttons that symmbolize on occupation most impressively are uniform buttons. Symbolic marks related with a particular occupation are carved on the buttons of compary employees' uniforms. Twelfth, Various natural phenomena are designed to appear on buttons, Some express themselves simply as they are, and others appear as a symbolic form such as environmental relationship between men and nature, four seasons, a constellation and all other natural things occurring during a year. Finally, The button of rebus is a motto expressed by a combination with objects figures, letters, words, or phrases.

• Journal of the Korean Geophysical Society
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.3-22
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• 1998

Korea boasts of abundant historical earthquake records of almost 1900 events. The epicenters and intensities of these earthquakes are determined on the basis of descriptions and felt areas of the events. It turns out that most of the earthquakes occurred on major faults or tectonic boundaries of the peninsula except for the northeastern part which had been the least disrupted by tectonic disturbances during the Mesozoic. It appears that the crustal layers of the southern and northwestern parts of the peninsula had been severely ruptured during the Mesozoic disturbances and some of the faults thus generated have been active since. The seismicity of the peninsula had been rather low from the first to the fourteenth century, but unusually high from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century, and have been rather low since. This period of unusually high seismicity of the peninsula coincides with that of the northeastern part of China, suggesting the two areas are seismologically closely connected. It appears that most of the seismicity of the peninsula results from the high stress propagating from the Himalayas where the Eurasian and Indian plates collide. The data file of Korean historical earthquakes is not yet complete and supplementary studies are under way. The main purpose of this paper is to provide the data file of Korean historical earthquakes analyzed up to date for geoscientists and engineers in need of this file.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.54-77
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• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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• v.7
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• pp.201-219
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• 1989

Rice culture in Korea has a long history ranging over two thousand years. In the agriculture economy of pre-mordern Korea, however, its importantce was not as great as generally assumed. In fact, rice culture reached full development only after the 1920s when the Japanese colonial government carried out its drive to increase rice production in the Korea peninsula. It was not until the mid-1930s that rice became the staple in Korean diet. This can be attributed to two factors : (1) a mountainous topography that provides little irrigated fields and (2) a climate characterized by droughts in spring and heavy precipitation in summer. The present paper attempts to answer some of these questions. Specifically it will focus on these : Did the development of rice culture actually result in population growth? What are the salient features of agricultural develdpment and population grow in traditional Korea? Does the case of Korea conform the prevailing generalization about the agriculture in East Asia? I have discussed the development of rice culture and population growth in the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty, focusing on the relation between the rapid spread of transplanting and the rapid growth of population from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. Here are my conclusions. (1) The spread of transplanting and other technological innovationsc contributed to the rapid growth of population in this period. However, we should also note that the impact of rice culture on population growth was rather limited, for rice culture was not the mainstay of agricultural economy in pre-modern Korea. Indeed we should consider the influence of dry field cropsn population growth. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the proliferation of rice culture was a factor crucial to population growth and regional concentration. (2) How should we characterize the spread of rice culture in the whole period? Evidently rice culture spread from less then 20% of cultivated fields in the fifteenth century to about 36% of them in the early twentieth century. Although rice as a single crop outweighed other crops, rice culture was more then counter-balanced by dry field crops as a whole, due to Korea's unique climate and geography. Thus what we have here in not a typical case of competition between rice culture and day field culture. Besides, the spread of rice culture in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries accomplished by technological innovations that overcame severe springtime drought, rather than extensive irrigation. Althougt irrigarion facilities did proliferate to some extent, this was achieved by local landlords and peasants rather than the state. This fact contradicts the classical thesis that the productivity of rice culture increased through the state management of irrigation and that this in turn determined the type of society. (3) We should further study other aspects of the transition from the stable population and production struture in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the rapid population growth and excessive density of population thereafter. We should note that there were continuing efforts to reclaim the land in order to solve the severe shortage of land. Changes also took place in the agricultural production relations. The increase in land producrivity developed tenancy based on rent in kind, and this in turn increased the independence of tenants from their landlords. There were changes in family relations-such as the shift to primogeniture as an effort to prevent progressive division of property among multiplying offspring. The rapid population growth also produced a great mass of propertyless farm laborers. These changes had much to do with the disintegration of traditional social institutions and political structure toward the end of the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty.

• The Journal of Internal Korean Medicine
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.524-552
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• 1998

Purgation therapy has played an important role as a influential remedy from the begining of the Chinese medicine. Especially purgation therapy is raised as the effective remedy on the acute infectious disease in the book of 'Treatise on Febrile Disease'. But It was inclined to cold-nature and available only in the excess syndrome. Nevertheless it is evident that the book has showed an example of this therapy. During the middle age, purgation therapy is classified into several subtype; hydrogogue therapy, laxation with lubricants, purgation with cold-natured drugs and purgation with warm-natured drugs. Comparing with the ancient times, it must be a progression. It was investigated earnestly by a school leaded by Zhang Congzheng. They were not restricted to several diseases, but applied it to the wide range of diseases. They thought as following. 'One is ill from pathogenic factor so that you should eliminate it from the human body'. Hence, they frequently used three major remedies such as diaphoresis, emesis and purgation. In this process, purgation therapy had showed eye-opening progress. But opposition to it was not little. Li Gao was a representative man on the opposite side. He expressed a critical opinion and placed great importance on the genuine energy, the natural healing force. Under his influence, a large number of doctors evaded purgation and put it under taboo. On account of these trend, purgation therapy had took a backward step and retrograded. Therefore cathartics such as Rhei Radix et Rhizoma, Rharbitidis Semen, cold drugs such as Gypsum Fibrosum, etc. had been excluded for preservation of the genuine energy, and came about an obnoxious custom to value only 'tonity deficiency', or 'warm and tonify'. As it had came into fashion to approach most disease from the point of view, purgation therapy was merely fall into a remedy of constipation. After the eighteenth century purgation therapy encountered the new period of rivival. It was introduced by them who strived for the study of Epidemics to the new current of thought, so called '增水行舟'. It was because 온병 was apt to dissipate one's Yin fluid. Therefore purgation therapy of this period was characterized by establishing nourishment Yin and body fluid with or without use of timely purgation of accumulation of heat. From the time of Zhang Congzheng, it was accomplished by Lee Je-ma to the most epoch-making change. He caused an improvement in the use of purgation therapy by regarding innate constitutional contradiction as importance than representing clinical symptoms. He warned that existing remedies that depend only upon symptoms and signs, not upon individual characteristics including constitutional features didn't bring round to but kill them. And he understood all the pathologic processes in his constitutional theory, investigated specific drugs on four constitution, made indications of each prescriptions clear. For giving to differentiation of constition before differentiation of syndrom, his new slant on the pathologic phenomena overcome the limitations of 변증시치, and revaluate purgation therapy from remedy impaire the genuine energy to that restore it by recover the balance between the internal organ. It is the product of him to fundamentally upset the cause to be in disregard of purgation therapy.

• Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.589-602
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• 2009

We investigated 'Song of the Sky Pacers, Adopted to the New Methods'(新法步天歌), the latest version of Joseon's 'Song of the Sky Pacers'(步天歌). Due to the influence of new knowledge on Chinese asterisms imported from the Ching dynasty, 'Song of the Sky Pacers with New Star-Charts' was written in the eighteenth century. However, the disagreement between song and star-charts was causing confusion in practical applications such as Joseon's national examination for selecting astronomers. In order to improve this situation, Royal Observatory of the Joseon dynasty (觀象監) published 'Song of the Sky Pacers, Adopted to the New Methods' based upon star-charts and song in the Sequel of I-Hsiang-K'ao-ch'eng (欽定儀象考成續編). The New Song was edited by a middle-class professional astronomer Yi Jun-yang (李俊養), and corrected by a nobleman Nam Byeong-gil (南秉吉). We establish a brief biography of Yi Jun-yang. The New Song preserves the genuine characteristics of previous Joseon's Song including the format of title of each lunar mansion and description on the location of the Milky Way in the asterisms. The description of the Milky Way was newly written based on the data in volume 31 and 32 of the Sequel of I-Hsiang-K'ao-ch'eng.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.293-304
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• 2011

The world of ubiquitous computing is one in which we will be surrounded by an ever-richer set of networked devices and services. Especially, mobile phone now becomes one of the key issues in ubiquitous computing environments. Mobile phones have been infecting our normal lives more thoroughly, and are the fastest technology in human history that has been adapted to people. In Korea, the number of mobile phones registered to the telecom company, is more than the population of the country. Last year, the numbers of mobile phone sold are many times more than the number of personal computer sold. The new advanced technology of mobile phone is now becoming the most concern on every field of technologies. The mix of wireless communication technology (wifi) and mobile phone (smart phone) has made a new world of ubiquitous computing and people can always access to the network anywhere, in high speed, and easily. In such a world, people cannot expect to have available to us specific applications that allow them to accomplish every conceivable combination of information that they might wish. They are willing to have information they want at easy way, and fast way, compared to the world we had before, where we had to have a desktop, cable connection, limited application, and limited speed to achieve what they want. Instead, now people can believe that many of their interactions will be through highly generic tools that allow end-user discovery, configuration, interconnection, and control of the devices around them. Serendipity is an application of the architecture that will help people to solve a concern of achieving their information. The word 'serendipity', introduced to scientific fields in eighteenth century, is the meaning of making new discoveries by accidents and sagacity. By combining to the field of ubiquitous computing and smart phone, it will change the way of achieving the information. Serendipity may enable professional practitioners to function more effectively in the unpredictable, dynamic environment that informs the reality of information seeking. This paper designs the Serendipity Service based on NFC (Near Field Communication) technology. When users of NFC smart phone get information and services by touching the NFC tags, serendipity service will be core services which will give an unexpected but valuable finding. This paper proposes the architecture, scenario and the interface of serendipity service using tag touch data, serendipity cases, serendipity rule base and user profile.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.12
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• pp.461-468
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• 2017

'Beauty and the Beast' was generated as a novel in 1740 and descended to date with the musical movie in 2017. This study is to understand what contents has been derived and expanded from one story for 277 years upon analyzing 'Beauty and the Beast' with the background of the times. Due to the limitation to include all the folktales and stories, the subjects of this study are limited with the contents that had been known and recorded as 'Beauty and the Beast.' 'Beauty and the Beast' has been expanded to 7 types of contents including novel, fairytale, movie, drama, animation, musical and film opera. It was created as a novel in the eighteenth century, made as a fairytale, and developed as a movie by Jean Cocteau, a movie director. With Industrial Revolution and the development of science, 'Beauty and the Beast' which derived into animation, drama, and musical contents, has been developed as the film opera thanks to the new trial of Philip Glass and the development of music industry. 'Beauty and the Beast' is still regenerating with a variety of contents continuously upon the development of computer technology and the fad of global remake. With anticipation of further analytical studies on 'Beauty and the Beast,' it is expected that the data of this study can be contributed as a reference in the other studies.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.114
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• pp.305-335
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• 2016

In the eighteenth century, the scottish philosophers Francis Hutcheson, David Hume and Adam Smith share the idea that morality comes from moral sense, which is a feeling of approval or disapproval of agent's motive and action. However, they have the different views in explaining the mechanism that generates the moral sentiments. Hutcheson takes a moral sense to be a unique mental faculty that is innate to all humans, and regards it as being guaranteed by supernatural apparatus like divine Providence. Hume and Smith reject Hutcheson's concept of internal moral sense and take a stage further Hutcheson's projects of internalisation by naturalizing morality in terms of the principle of sympathy. It is widely held that Hume's moral sentimentalism is essentially similar to Adam Smith's. Though there are important points of contact between Smith's account of sympathy and Hume's, the differences are considerable. The chief of them lies in the fact that Hume grounds our approval of virtue on our recognition of its utility and convention, and Smith does not. Smith grounds our approval of virtue on the impartial spectator's judgment, i.e., conscience. Hence for Smith, the impartial spectator is the one that bridges the gap between particularity and universality and works the vehicle of practical reason. Given this, in this paper, first, I will clarify the difference between Hume's and Adam Smith's understandings of sympathy. Second, I will elucidate how they explain the process to produce the moral sentiments based on their understandings of sympathy. I shall finally explicate in what way Hume's and Smith's theories on sympathy work as moral normativity.