• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
• /
• v.32 no.4
• /
• pp.775-788
• /
• 2012

This study was done at a scientific camp sponsored by Nara Women's University Secondary School, Japan. In this school, $10^{th}$ grade students from 4 East Asian countries: Korea, Japan, Taiwan, and Singapore, participated. We made a research on students' perceptions about nuclear energy. Sample populations include 77 students in total, with 12 Korean, 46 Japanese, 9 Taiwanese and 10 Singaporean students. Overall perceptions comparison about nuclear energy shows average values from the order of highest Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and to lowest, Japan. We implemented a T-test to identify perception differences about nuclear energy, with one group that include 3 countries (Korea, Taiwan and Singapore) and another group that includes all the Japanese students. T-test results of perceptions about nuclear energy shows students from the 3 countries of Korea, Taiwan and Singapore having higher average than Japanese students. (p<.05). Korean average scores regarding overall perceptions about nuclear energy show as the highest in all 4 East Asian countries and also highest in all subcategories. On the contrary in Japan, they have lower and negative perceptions of nuclear energy. In spite of these facts, perceptions of Japanese students about nuclear energy seem lowest and negative mainly because of the recent Fukushima nuclear power plant disaster, caused by the tsunami and its subsequent damages and fears of radiation leaks, etc. This shows that negative information about future disasters and its resulting damages like the Chernobyl nuclear accident could influence more on people's risk perception than general information like nuclear energy-related technologies or the news that the plant is operating normally, etc. Even if the possibility of this kind of accident is very low, just one accident could bring abnormal risks to technology itself. This strong signal makes negative image and strengthens its perceptions to the people. This could bring a stigma about nuclear energy. This study shows that Government's policy about the highest priority for nuclear energy safety is most important. As long as such perception and decision are fixed, we found that it might not be easy to get changed again because they were already fortified and maintained.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
• /
• v.14 no.3
• /
• pp.155-171
• /
• 2008

This study examined from "SangHanChangHwaHunJiJip" how medical exchange between doctors of Joseon and Japan affected medical science of Japan. "SangHanChangHwaHunJiJip" is a record that organized the written conversation between doctors and scholars of the Joseon and Edo period when the delegation so-called Joseon Tongsinsa visited Japan in 1719. Even though "SangHanChangHwaHunJiJip" was written by Japanese, but it was comprised of Joseon's advanced medical ideology, especially "DongEuiBogam" that has occupied an important part of the Joseon medical ideology. As a matter of fact, "SangHanChang HwaHunJiJip" contains general theme and medical subject. But until now, it has been hardly studied by medical historians. Many studies were generally made related to Joseon Tongsinsa, a governmental delegation, focused on literary and cultural exchange between Joseon and Japan by historians. "SangHanChangHwaHunJiJip" is no exception to this trend. We can find that doctors of the Joseon and Edo period entered into colloquium, a form of group discussion, about the clinical theme in "SangHanChangHwaHunJiJip". Concretely, the conversation between doctors of Joseon and Japan was about infant disease, infectious disease, folk remedies, medical herbs, moxa cautery, acupuncture, the study of nature, the study of medical books, etc. For example, when doctors of Japan ask a confirmed disease, doctors of Joseon explained it particularly. They had a great effect on in every cultural aspect of Japan, especially its medical field. Through this study of the medical questions and answers in "SangHanChangHwaHunJiJip", I came to know that the doctors of GiHae envoys gave great influence to the medical knowledge of Japan and the GiHae inherited and developed the medical tradition of SinMyo envoys. Through the examination of this study, I could deduct that "JeongJeongDongEuiBogam" which was published by the government of the Edo period is due to not only the contents of DongEuiBogam's advanced medical thought, but also the doctors of GiHae envoy. Also, "SangHanChangHwaHunJiJip" gives us an idea that doctors of GiHae envoys have medical trend of the OnBoHakFa and a group of Japanese doctors has medical trend of the study of nature. I am confident that the improvement of medical science and natural history of the Edo period is due to influence of medical exchange between Joseon and Japan. "SangHanChangHwaHunJiJip" confirms that medical exchange between two countries affected doctors and scholars of the Edo period.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.51 no.4
• /
• pp.491-508
• /
• 2016

This study has taken the Myeongjidong island, which has experienced spatial change due to various reasons ranging from the Japanese colonial era until today, as an instance in order to comprehend macroscopic spatial change of the Nakdonggang Delta and the adaptation process of the locals in a microscopic point of view. Spatial change of the Myeongjidong has been confirmed by collecting maps such as the atlas of late period of Chosun published in 1910, topographic map, regional geography, city records, and by applying coordinates with geographic reference function of GIS program, then checking for time sequential space change of individual regions. Space change driven by the Japanese government-general of Korea, Gimhae Irrigation Association, and by national policy or planning brought about environmental and humanistic changes unlike ever before, and land usage, housing and industry of the region and the locals experienced various adaptation processes. Such processes were compiled through collection and comparison of literature, and supplementation from interview of the locals during field study. As for the research region, it ranged from the construction of Nakdonggang bank and Myeongji seawall of 1935, agricultural rural landscape formed after the area expansion project by Gimhae Irrigation Association in 1940, to landscape that are becoming mercantile and urban due to the developmental plans of national and local governments.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.100
• /
• pp.50-80
• /
• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.40 no.2
• /
• pp.1-13
• /
• 2022

This paper examined the history and development of Gyeongbokgung Palace's back garden based on historical materials and drawings such as Joseon Ilgi(Diaries of Joseon Dynasty), Joseon Wangjo Sillok(the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Doseongdaejido(the Great Map of Seoul), Bukgwoldohyeong(Drawing Plan of the Northern Palace), the Bukgung Palace Restoration Plan, Restoration Planning of Gyeongbokgung Palace and the following results were derived. First, it was confirmed that the Back Garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace was famous for its great location since the Goryeo Dynasty, and that it was named Namkyeong at that time and was a place where a shrine was built, and that castles and palaces were already built during the Goryeo Dynasty under the influence of Fengshui-Docham(風水圖讖) and Zhouli·Kaogongji(周禮考工記). Although the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace in the early Joseon Dynasty stayed out of the limelight as a back garden for the palace, it has a place value as a living space for the head of the state from King Gojong to the present. Second, in order to clearly identify the boundaries of back garden, through literature such as map of Doseongdo (Map of the Capital), La Coree, Gyeongmudae Area, Japanese Geography Custom Compendium, Korean Photo Album, JoseonGeonchukdoJip(The Illustration Book of Joseon Construction), Urban Planning Survey of Gyeongseong, it was confirmed that the current Blue House area outside Sinmumun Gate was built outside the precincts of Gyeongbokgung Palace. It was found that the area devastated through the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, was used as a space where public corporations were combined through the process of reconstruction during the King Gojong period. In Japanese colonial era, the place value as a back garden of the primary palace was damaged, as the palace buildings of the back garden was relocated or destroyed, but after liberation, it was used as the presidential residence and restored the place value of the ruler. Third, in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace, spatial changes proceeded through the Japanese Invasion and Japanese colonial era. The place with the greatest geographical change was Gyeongnongjae area, where the residence of the Japanese Government-General of Korea was built, and there were frequent changes in the use of the land. On the other hand, the current Gyeongmudae area, the forests next to the small garden, and the forests of Baekak were preserved in the form of traditional forests. To clarify this, 1:1200 floor plan of inner Gyeongmudae residence and satellite images were overlapped based on Sinmumun Gate, and as a result, it was confirmed that the water path originating from Baekak still exists today and the forest area did not change. Fourth, in the areas where the traditional forest landscape was inherited, the functional changes in the topography were little, and major old-age colonies are maintained. The old trees identified in this area were indicator tree species with historical value. Representatively, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki, located in Nokjiwon Garden, is presumed to have been preserved as one of Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki planted next to Yongmundang, and has a historicality that has been used as a photo zone at dinners for heads of state and important guests. Lastly, in order to continuously preserve and manage the value of Gyeongbokgung Palace in Blue House, it is urgent to clarify the space value through excavation of historical materials in Japanese colonial era and establish a hierarchy of garden archaeology by era. In addition, the basis for preserving the historical landscape from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern era from Gyeongbokgung Palace should not damage the area of the old giant trees, which has been perpetuated since the past, and a follow-up study is needed to investigate all the forests in Blue House.

• Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
• /
• v.6 no.1 s.11
• /
• pp.19-28
• /
• 2000

Now in order to overcome the weakest points of the rural areas of the city of Kimje and, transform them into rural cultural villages which have local governing systems suitable to new localization age and activate this plan, we selected Daesan Village as a model village which had shown a lot of potentials in the basic research and studied it dividing it into the former part and the latter part. We studied Daesan village in the former part focusing on state analysis and basic ideas and in the latter part focusing on master plan and detail planning. We can summarize the conclusion like the followings. 1. Daesan Village located 8 kilometer away from the downtown Kimje and the city of Iksan respectably has comparatively good environment of good sunny place as an open field whose surrounding configuration of the ground consists of farming lands and low hills in front and rear. It has 38 farming households in all. 2. Human environment(인문환경); the village road whose width is about 4 meters is forming a flow system forking off into three. There is a route bus which operates three times a day even into the inside of the village. The main sources of revenue are vegetables in facilities, fruits and floriculture. Their average revenue is about 10.5 million won. 3. Here in DaeSan Village a legend dealing with Teasan literally meaning a big mountain consist of th village's tradition and you can see the tombs of a very faithful son and Anwi an army general in the age of the Japanese Invasion of Korea of 1592 to 1598 inside the village. 4. 85 out of the eitire population 141 whose age are over 20 showed very positive attitudes in a questionnaire about, making the village a cultural one and its development. 5. The basic of planned ideas is to increase the revenue of the farming household by making the village a professional farming one which has a state-of the-art production facility and agricultural technique. It is to make the village the one where people can enjoy the sense of the rural life and the farmer can enjoy their lives through consumptive and consistant leisure and resting activities. 6. We are planning to make entrance space, life space, rest and sport space, and cultural space considering the characteristics of the village and the demand of the resident. We are also planning to make tile entire city of Kimje an information transmitting base in short and long term perspectives. 7. DaeSan Village was planned as a place where tradition and the future exist together. On the basis of this concept we planned future programs for Daesan Village and in the latter part of the study master plans and detail plans will be continued.the regional agricultural condition. The development permissions were only during the period of restricted to use ($1979.12{\sim}1993.11$). We propose that the authority of development permission should be given to the local autonomy government, because the local government has the knowledge of its individual agricultural conditions.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
• /
• v.12 no.1
• /
• pp.31-68
• /
• 1990

The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.

• Journal of Oriental Neuropsychiatry
• /
• v.27 no.4
• /
• pp.261-274
• /
• 2016

Objectives: To determine the general characteristics of clinical studies about Hwabyung and assess their limitations and alternatives. Methods: Clinical studies that examined the effects of traditional Korean medicine intervention on Hwabyung were included in this study. A systematic search of English, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean databases was performed. The characteristics of included articles were described and those articles were assessed by Risk of Bias (RoB) tool or Risk of Bias for Nonrandomized Studies (RoBANS) tool. Results: Sixteen articles were selected from 1,826 articles. Most clinical studies about Hwabyung were published in Korea. The number of conducted trials was insufficient. The prevailing study design was randomized controlled trial. Traditional Korean medicine intervention used in the trials were acupuncture, herbal medicine, counselling, meditation, emotional freedom technique (EFT), music therapy, art therapy, and multi intervention program. Herbal medicine study used placebo as control while non-pharmacological intervention study mostly used no treatment as control. Most of the trials were supported by the government. Therefore, financial conflict of interest might not exist for results. We judged that some studies had a high risk of bias. In general, most of the studies with a high risk of bias were non-pharmacological intervention studies, and the risk of bias was mainly due to lack of blinding. Conclusions: More clinical studies of Hwabyung are needed. There are some issues about a suitable comparison and effective blinding strategy for non-pharmacological study. Improving methodological quality is required.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.5-22
• /
• 1994

This paper attempts to define some general characteristics of the Abstracting Journals published in Korea as evidenced in those published during last ten years. This purpose is achieved by comparing the results of the two studies conducted by the author in 1984 and in 1994. Both studies were conducted to present the state of the art in the abstracting services in Korea. The major conclusions made in this paper are summarised as follows： (1) Researchers and professionals working in a small number of subject fields are benefited by the abstracting journals, which provide current-awareness services of recent achievements in research and development in Korea. Those in most of the fields have no abstracting journals of their own, and naturally they have no substantial abstract-ing services. Even many researchers and professionals in the fields that have some abstracting journals are not informed of research results in their fields because the abstracting journals are scattered in many narrow subjects and in many cases, the abstracting journals only cover publications in some specific forms and kinds. (2) Abstracting journals that cover more than two subject fields, which are supposed to be of more or less help to the researchers and professionals in the subject fields that have no abstracting journals published in their fields, have rapidly increased in number in the past ten years. Most of suh abstracting journals carry thesis and dissertation abstracts, and the rest, those of research papers published in specific places, in specific forms, by specific institutions, and of reports of research projects sponsored by specific foundations. These abstracting journals are not of the kind that comprehensively provide researchers in related fields with current awareness of publications of research results in Korea. (3) Most of the abstracting Journals existing in Korea are Published by institutions of higher education and research institutes, and the rest, by commercial publishers, industrial firms, libraries, information centres, government agencies, research foundations, learned societies, etc. Those which publish many titles are small in number and those publish one or two titles are large in number. The former is largely made up of institutions of higher education and research institutes. (4) The abstracting journals published in Korea are classified by type into those of dissertations, research papers, journal articles, patent specifications in that descending order. The fact that Master; and doctoral dissertation abstracts ate dominating in Korea is due to the irrational practice of publishing those abstracts at many different institutions. (5) Most of the abstracting journals existing in Korea are published by national or government-supported research institutes in order to publicise their own research outputs. Their coverage of literature is normally narrow, and naturally their value to users is limited. (6) Korean is the desirable language for the abstracting journals intended to be distributed within Korea. About half of the abstracting jornals published in Korea is printed in Korean and the other half, in foreign languages, and in Korean and in foreign languages together. All the abstracting journals in foreign languages are printed in English except one, which is printed in Japanese. (7) Some twenty per cent of the abstracting journals in Korea is published monthly, bimonthly, and quarterly. The others are published annually, biannually and irregularly. The latter may not function properly as a current-awareness tool due to long intervals between their issues. It is particularly undesirable that about half of the abstracting journals in Korea is published irregularly. Most of the abstracting journals published in Korea are distributed freely to individuals and institutions selected by the publishers. (8) The abstracting journals published by the use of computers increased drastically in the past ten years. The abstracting journals produced by the conventional type-setting method will possibly disappear in Korea in another ten years to come. Automation of the production of abstracting journals does not simply mean technical, economic improvement in publishing processes but availability of machine-readable databases that can be used for many other pur-poses, including generation of other bibliographical publications and provision of machine literature searching capabilities. Necessary steps should be taken for this important development immediately.

• Conservation Science in Museum
• /
• v.26
• /
• pp.83-182
• /
• 2021

This study summarized the results of the conservation treatment and investigation on the production method of the golden crown (Treasure No. 339) excavated from Tomb No. 129 (also known as Seobongchong Tomb) in Noseo-dong, Gyeongju-si, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. The golden crown from Seobongchong Tomb was discovered during the excavations conducted by the Museum of the Government-General of Korea in 1926 during the Japanese colonial era. It is currently in the collection of the National Museum of Korea. A total of six Silla golden crowns have survived in Korea, among which the crown from Seobongchong Tomb is the only example with a dome-shaped hemispherical decoration attached with a bird ornament while otherwise showing the typical features of Silla crowns. The crown had been repaired following its excavation using metallic materials and adhesives, but due to the partial deformation and damage brought about by the repair materials, it required further conservation treatment. This article describes in detail the overall process of the conservation treatment and the restoration of the original form of the golden crown from Seobongchong Tomb, particularly the method of reinforcing the joints to secure the stability of the crown. It presents the characteristics of the crown's production as revealed in the investigation during the conservation treatment, and further analyzes the relationship of this crown from Seobongchong Tomb with other Silla crowns through a comparison of their production techniques. The investigation revealed that the crown was primarily decorated with golden sequins at the time of its production. At a later point some of the sequins in the upright ornament were replaced with comma-shaped jade beads and additional comma-shaped jade beads were added to the headband. In order to determine if such modifications to the decoration had occurred with other Silla crowns, the decoration of the six extant Silla golden crowns were investigated. The crown from Cheonmachong Tomb features traces of this same modification to the decoration and possesses other similarities with the crown from Seobongchong Tomb.