• Korea journal of population studies
• /
• v.13 no.2
• /
• pp.19-47
• /
• 1990

1720년 경상도 단성진 진내면 소재의 390가구를 대상으로 1970년대 초 케임브리지 대학의 역사인구학 연구소에서 개발한 Laslett-Hammel가구 형태 분석법을 적용하여 본 결과 표9에서 제시된바와 같이 전체가구의 48.9%가 핵가족의 형태이며, 42.1 퍼센트가 대가족으로 밝혀지고 있다. 물론 도표3에서 지적되고 있듯이 5세이하의 인구에 대한 자료가 미비한 상태라 호적 자료만으로 당시의 가구 형태에 대한 정확한 분석이 어렵다고 하드라도 이제까지 일반적으로 믿어져 왔던 대가족 형태의 이조 중기의 종가제도나 일반 서민들의 가구 형태 및 유아가구에 대한 보다 구체적인 연구가 호적 자료에 대한 면밀한 분석으로 가능해질것으로 믿어진다. 역촌, 즉 하류계층의 사람들이 주로 많이 주거하였던 단성진 진내면의 전체 조사 대상 가구의 절반이 핵가족의 형태로 보이고 있는것은 당연한 것으로 받아질수 있겠으나 표6에서 나타내고 있듯이 상류계층에 속하는 양소계층의 경우도 평균 가구 규격 16명중에서 약 13명이 율거유아로 실제 가구의 크기는 가족 구성원수 4명을 넘지않는 핵가족의 형태였을 가능성이 짙음을 알수 있다. 한가지 특이할만한 사항은 상류,중류,그리고 하류 계층 다같이 평균 가족 구성원수가 4명을 넘지 않는다는 점이다. 단성진이 독촌들로 구성되어 있는 만큼 앞으로 상류계층이 밀집되어 있었던 경북 월성군의 양동 지역 향방 자료나 호적 초안자료를 단성진의 자료와 비교 분석함으로써 이조 중기의 가구 형태에 대한 보다 신뢰성 있는 결과를 도출해 낼수 이ㅛ는것이다. 단성진의 자료는 이조 중기의 유아 인구와 유아 가구 형태에 대한 연구에는 귀중한 자료로 앞으로 역사인구학의 방법론 개발에 큰 기여를 할것으로 기대된다.의 핑거를 식별, 추적할 수 있었다.는 경도방향의 해구수가 많았으며, 특히 8월은 1년중 경도방향의 분산이 가장 컸고, 어장중심은 5월에는 3888해구, 6월에는 3884해구, 7월에는 4078해구, 8월에는 4154해구, 9월에는 4146해구, 10월에는 4044해구였다. 3. 어획수온과 어획적수온은 5월에는 $14.0~18.5^{\circ}C,$ $15.0~16.0^{\circ}C,$ 6월에는 $13.5~18.5^{\circ}C,$ $14.5~16.0^{\circ}C,$ 7월에는 $14.0~20.0^{\circ}C,$ $14.5^{\circ}C,$ $19.0^{\circ}C,$ 8월에는 $16.0~21.5^{\circ}C,$ $18.0~20.0^{\circ}C,$ 9월에는 $14.5~22.0^{\circ}C,$ $17.0~18.5^{\circ}C,$ 10월 $14.0~18.0^{\circ}C,$ $16.0~17.0^{\circ}C였다.$ 4. 평균CPUE는 5월에는 3.2kg/sheet, 6월에는 4.5kg/sheet, 7월에는 4.3kg/sheet, 8월에는 5.1kg/sheet, 9월에는 6.4kg/sheet, 10월에는 5.8kg/sheet였다. 5. 한국정부의 1990년 북태평양 오징어 어업감시계획과 실제의 어장형성범위를 비교하면 5월에는 어장이 형성된 21개 해구 가운데 12개, 6월에는 24개 가운데 7개, 7월에는 25개 가운데 4개 해구에서

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.33 no.4
• /
• pp.77-86
• /
• 2015

The Koreanology as well as a study of the classics should start from the correct understanding of certain words or concepts. Inaccurate or even misinterpreted explanation is bound to lead to failure. If you read a classic text, if the object does not come up to indicate clearly what the bar often. Bout, are seen refer to the translation or commentary, sometimes encounter cases of very serious misunderstanding. If a simple mistake or error, and if you recognize and fix it, but eopget a big problem, described by early to conclude identified by the fact that the amount of problem becomes serious. Besides, if the trend will spread to quote it, the situation is not out of control. One sample is "Nodongchwibyeong(老松翠屛)" in "Kyoungdojapji(京都雜誌)" "Poonsock(風俗)" "Jetaek(第宅). In some places, it is called "Booyeon(附椽), it has been described elsewhere as a kind of "chwibyeong(翠屛)". This short manuscript clarified by reviewing the old literature closely, it was "songcheom", "songboong(松棚), another expression of Bungga(棚架). More precisely, it was a nickname of Hanyang Yangban in the 18th and 19th century. However, the historical research is just not as having a meaning only one explanation for the particular word. Dare to be confident that these study are meaningful. In the extremely weak division in the understanding of the original text, the cases of applying blindly without a reflection occurs frequently. This short manuscript is to give warning to recent trends. Humanities and classical field researchers made very carefully, taking into account the impact of translation and annotations, and the other branch to accommodate the research of classical humanities disciplines should try to see this information must be verified meets the facts.

• Journal of Conservation Science
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.61-74
• /
• 2011

The material characteristics of Chos$\breve{o}$n whiteware were investigated by analyzing and comparing the body and glaze compositions of whiteware shards excavated at the Kwangju royal kilns, Ch'unghyodong, and four other local-level kilns. In Korea, the rise of whiteware technology began in the early years of the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty, when the indigenous tradition of Kory$\breve{o}$ celadon was strongly influenced by the whiteware aesthetics of the Chinese Ming dynasty. The Kwangju royal kilns eventually made hard-textured whiteware of a quality equivalent to that of the Chinese by using type of porcelain stone that contained slightly less $Fe_2O_3$ and $TiO_2$ and slightly more $K_2O$ than that used for celadon. In contrast, the potters of Ch'unghyodong achieved the same level of quality by finding and using a totally different material: kaolinitic clay. The porcelain stone used at the Kwangju kiln was commonly found in Korea and south China, whereas kaolinitic clay (which has a high aluminum content) was typically found in north China, and was only rarely used in Korea. The flux component of the glaze compositions was mostly limestone, first in burnt form and later in crushed form, and the clay component was often glaze stone, which was a finer-grained porcelain stone with a higher proportion of feldspar. In the future, this comparative analytical study of Korean whiteware components should be extended to the $18^{th}$- and $19^{th}$-century kilns that are currently being excavated at a rapid pace.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.159-191
• /
• 2008

This study aims to look into the three-dimensional characteristics of Euniljisa (a scholar who lived in a hidden place) demonstrated in the poems of Myeongam Jeong-Sik (1683-1746, the 9th year of King Sukjong to the 22nd year of King Yeongjo), who was a scholar in the region of Yeongnam in the 18th century. Myeongam Jeongsik had a very righteous aspect in terms of integrity. He was born about 40 years after the Ching Dynasty was established. However, as shown in his pen name of 'Myeongam', he still used the Ming Dynasty as a subject of adoration and reverence, and he lived as an integral man of scholarly virtue in seclusion while refusing to have a government post during his lifetime. In his poems, there may be various discussions, but this study focused on following two aspects. First, the study reviewed his attitude toward the world, that is a retiring attitude, in looking into his works. Second, the study did not merely keep the existing two-dimensional perspective in simply reviewing a hermitage poem in the analyzing of a poem. Instead, the study attempted a three-dimensional review in seeking to see whether three items involving the fidelity and integrity of a dignified and daring person (a person who does not care about worldly views), the ambivalent emotion of Jo Wul reflected in the poem, and the delicate description and the expression of emotions, are placed in a serial relationship.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.13 no.12
• /
• pp.151-160
• /
• 2015

As a lexical meaning, casino is defined as "a certified gambling house, equipped with recreational facilities such as dance and music, etc., where people play roulette or cards." Casinos started from 17th to 18th century for European nobility and their social meetings and established a casino industry framework in the United States in the 1930s. The success of the casino business leads to the increase of sales; it became very helpful for the local and national government revenues and also for the related incidental tasks. Casino operations include a variety of fields, such as general customer management, dealer game management, security, account management, currency exchange, re-exchange management, marketing management, comp management and placement management, etc. These operations should be organically connected to each other by information systems such as a groupware, ERP and Customer Relationship Management (CRM), etc. In addition, in order to effectively manage comprehensive entertainment service, including accommodation and tourism, it is necessary to develop an information system which supports casino business and collateral entertainment service, collects the data generated throughout the business and provides information about the situations of management. Thus, this study will propose a casino information system designed and implemented, considering these details.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
• /
• v.12 no.5
• /
• pp.859-879
• /
• 2004

As a result of research, the characteristics of the general costumes from the king Young-Cho period to the king Jung-Cho period in Genre Paintings of Mung-Hyun Oho, Yong Yun, In-Sang Lee, Hee-Eon Kang follows. First, the typical man wore his hair in a topknot(sangtu), and put on 'Bung-gu-ji', 'Lip', or a scarf on his head. The length of the 'Jeogori'(Korean traditional jacket) was long enough to cover the waist. Dress for work had side slits, and had half length sleeve Jeogori, and short pants looked like 'Jam-bang-i'. They went barefoot and wore 'Jipsin'(Korean traditional straw shoes). Dress for outdoor was 'Po' that knot at front of chest by band. 'Baji'(slacks) were with knot below knee, worn 'Hang-jun'(ankle band) and the width of slacks was suitable. They were 'Beoseon'(Korean traditional socks) and shoes. Second those in the upperc1ass and those in the military put on 'Mang-geon', 'Gat', 'Sa-bang-gan', 'Tang-geon', 'Bok-geon' on their head on a topknot. Most of them wore 'So-chang-i', 'Jung-chi-mag' or 'Do-po'. The length of Jeogori covered the waist or the hip and were tied with 'Go-rum'(ribbon). Baji was tied with Hang-jun and 'Dae-nim'. The waist of the slacks were tied with a dark colored waist-band and folded down their waist of slacks. They wore white color Beoseon and 'Hye' or dark color leather shoes. They wore 'Sup'(assistant of arm) for bow. It showed the lifestyle of the 18C with fan, 'Be-ru', 'Mug', 'Yun-jug', teacup, pot, etc. Third, child's hair was short or knotted to the back of the head. The length of Jeogori reached waist line, Git of Jeogori was 'Dunggurai-Kit'(shape of round) and other style Jeogori, which reached the hip line, had side-slit. Baji was tied with Dae-nim, and the width of the slacks is suitable. They hang 'Yum-nang'(Pocket). Final, most women worked outdoors wearing their hair in a high twisted style, or covered it with scarf. They wore Jeogori and 'Chima'(Korean traditional skirts), Bagi. They folded up the sleeves of the Jeogori. And they folded the 'Jambang-i-styled' pants to just above the knees, fastening at the waist. When they wore skirts, they also wore underpants under the skirt that went down to the knees. Most of them went barefoot and wore straw shoes, Jipsin. Through genre paintings, we can understand the ways and forms of our ancestor's clothing. And with our understanding, interest, and passion, we can be familiar with Hanbok in our daily life by succeeding and creating its peculiar style. And then we can promote the globalization of Hanbok.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.31
• /
• pp.241-262
• /
• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.69
• /
• pp.205-232
• /
• 2017

In the former half of the 18th century, For this period the literary people who led the literature of Nam'in were Sadaebu named the so-called Munoepa. There were Gang Pak(姜樸), Lee In-bok(李仁復), Lee Jung-hwan, Oh Gwang-un(吳光運), and Gang Pil-shin(姜必愼) in Munoepa(門外派). All these people as Sadaebu of Nam'in kept company with families of each other, had close relations from early childhood, and shared with same opinions in various ways like politics, culture, etc. They had intimate relationships not only in politics but also in literature, and primarily acted their part regarding the development of literary circles in the first half of the 18th century. Many individual poets who achieved the outstanding literary accomplishment appeared in the late period of Joseon Dynasty, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They actively made progress in their literary works with Sisa. The poets in similar positions had the Sisa to show their literary ability and check on their view about the literature. They briskly tried to express their own literary intention in activities of Sisa. Gang Pil-shin is a literary representative of the late period of Joseon Dynasty Nam'in. Through the exchange relationship of Gang Pil-shin, we can confirm certain aspects of his literary world. People who have tied up with Gang Pil-shin are largely divided into three. First, it is a literary person in Geungi Nam'in literati, typified by Backryeonsidan, Jinju Gang family, Gyeongsang Provinces area that was a place of residence. The exchanges of Gang Pil-shin were done via a poetry club. a poetry club was basically conducted mainly on relatives such as Gang Pak. However, the members of a poetry club changed according to the area where you live. Gang Pil-shin made a poetry club while coming back and forth between Seoul and Gyeongsang Provinces. This means that Gang Pil-shin also had special attention as Geungi Nam'in (近畿 南人), but also had a positive nature as Yeongnam south person. A closer look at what linguistics of Gang Pil-shin Geungi Nam'in and Yeongnam Nam'in had special characteristics late period of Joseon Dynasty It is possible to confirm the special characteristics of Seoul and the local literary exchange. For this reason, it seems that more detailed examination of the literature of Gang Pil-shin is necessary.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.35 no.3
• /
• pp.41-66
• /
• 2017

The purpose of this research is to empirically trace the junctures of Yigye-gugok managed by Gwan-am Hong Gyeong-mo, a grandson of Yigye Hong Yang-ho who originally designed Yigye-gugok, while reviewing the features of the forms and patterns of gugok. The results of the research are as follows. 1. Ui-dong was part of the domain of the capital during the Chosun dynasty, which also is located in the city of Seoul as a matter of administrative zone. Likewisely, Yigye-gugok is taken as a special meaning for it was one and only gugok. Starting with Mangyeong Waterfall as the $1^{st}$ gok, Yigye follows through the $2^{nd}$ gok of Jeokchwibyeong Rock, the $3^{rd}$ gok of Chanunbong Peak, the $4^{th}$ gok of Jinuigang Rock, the $5^{th}$ gok of Okkyeongdae Rock, the $6^{th}$ gok of Wolyeongdam Pond, the $7^{th}$ gok of Tagyeongam Rock, the $8^{th}$ gok of Myeongoktan Stream, and the $9^{th}$ gok of Jaeganjeong Pavilion. Of these, Mangyeong Waterfall, Chanunbong Peak, and Okkyeongdae Rock are distinct for their locations in as much as their features, while estimated locations for Jinuigang Rock, Wolyeongdam Pond, Myeongoktan Stream, and Jaeganjeong Pavilion were discovered. However, Jeokchwibyeong Rock and Tagyeongam Rock demonstrated multiple locations in close resemblance to documentary literatures within secretive proximity, whereas geography, scenery, and sighted objects were considered to evaluate the 1st estimated location. Through these endeavored, it was possible to identify the shipping routes and structures for the total distance of 2.1km running from the $1^{st}$ gok to the $9^{th}$ gok, which nears Gwanam's description of 5ri(里), or approximately 1.96km for gugok. 2. Set towards the end of the $18^{th}$ century, Yigye-gugok originated from a series of work shaping the space of Hong Yang-ho's tomb into a space for the family. Comparing Yigye-gugok to other gugoks, numerous differences are apparent from beyond the rather more general format such as adjoining the $8^{th}$ gok while paving through the lower directions from the upper directions of the water. This gives rises to the interpretation such that Yigye-gugok was positioned to separate the doman of the family from those of the other families in power, thereby taking over Ui-dong. Yet, the aspect of the possession of the space lends itself to the determination that the location positioned at the $8^{th}$ gok above Mangyeongpok Waterfall representing Wooyi-dong was a consequence of the centrifugal space creation efforts. 3. While writings and poetic works were manufactured in such large quantities in Yigye-gugok whose products of setters and managers seemed intended towards gugok-do and letters carved on the rocks among others, there is yet a tremendous lack of visual media in the same respect. 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting offers the traces of Gwanam's attempts to engrave gakja at the food of Yigye-gugok. This research was able to ascertain that 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting was a product of Hong Yang-ho's collections maintained under the auspices of the National Central Museum, which are renowned for Song Shi-yeol's penmanship.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.38
• /
• pp.223-284
• /
• 2005

Gwaebul, created during late Joseon dynasty, especially from 1885 to 1926, now exist 18 ones. And 12 of them are owned by Buddhist temples located in Seoul city and Gyeonggido province. Royal Tomb praised and Royal household praised Buddhist temples in early Joseon dynasty were supported by Royal Family. As a renovation of Buddhist temples by king Taejong's reign(1400-1418), they became impoverished with reduced Buddhist ceremony. But they maintained their lives in intimate connection with royal family, and went prosperous from late 18th century. At that times, a new trend in Gwaebul appeared, which have popular idea for wishing peace of the dead, the nation and the royal family. The new composition of painting expressed in Gwaebul starts in Amitabha-Triad paintings which carved in first volume of ${\ll}$Amita-yohaegyeong${\gg}$ made of wooden plate. And Gi-heoh(A.D. 1820-1872) carved it in 1853 at Naewonam Buddhist hermitage of Samgaksan mountain And a return of Suwolgwaneumdo which had been popularized in late Goryo dynasty is worth noticing as a new issue of late Joseon dynasty. It is related with a composition of Gwaebul that expressed 'a leading the dead to the good', a Buddhist consciousness of falsehood and fancy. The saturated and blurred style of painting, the fact that centralization-powered lineage of painter who used composition of multi-used basic pattern, are characteristics of this period.