• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.46-56
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• 2012

The research results of tracing the Landscape Philosophy of Hageowon garden(何去園) in Musu-dong, Daejon of Youhwadang, Kwon, Iijin(權以鎭, 1668-1734) is as below. The ideological background of the protagonist reflected in Hageowon is the Hyoje Ideology(filial piety and brotherly love, 孝弟) of Sinjongchuwon(painstakingly caring for one's ancestors), Musil ideology(pursuing ethical diligence and truthful mind, 務實) based on sadistic tradition and ethical rationalism, Confucionist Eunil Ideology(ideology on seclusion, 隱逸) of Cheonghanjiyeon(quiet relaxation, 淸閒之燕), and the Pungryu ideology(appreciation for the arts, 風流) of Taoism in the Taoist style. Thus, by substituting these ideological values into a space called Hageowon, the Byulup gardens(別業) such as the Symbolic garden(象徵園), meaning gaeden(意園), and miniascape garden(縮景園) were able to be constructed. 2) The space organization system of Hageowon is generally classified into three phases considering the hierarchy. The first territory is the transitional space having residential features, which is an area to reach peach tree - road(Taoist world 桃經) from Youhwadang(有懷堂). The second territory is a monumental memorial space where the Yocheondae(繞千臺), Jangwoodam(丈藕潭), Hwagae(花階), and the ancestral graves take place, centering on the yards of Sumanheon(收漫軒), and the third territory is the secluded space in the eastern outer garden where the mountain stream flows from the north to south and which is the vein of the left-hand blue dragon(靑龍) of the guardian mountain of Hageowon. 3) Symbolically, the first phase has symbolized the space as a meaningful scenery by overlapping the Confucionist place of Youhwadang - Gosudae(孤秀臺) - Odeokdae(五德臺), and the mystic world of Jukcheondang(竹遷堂) - peach tree - road(桃徑). The second phase, which is the space of Sumanheon(收漫軒), Yocheondae, and Jangwoodam, the symbolical value of Sinjongchuwon(愼終追遠) and the remembrance and longing for one's parents are reflected. The third phase, which is the eastern outer garden of Hageowon and where the mountain stream flows from the north to south, is composed of the east valley(東溪) - Hwalsudam(活水潭) - Sumi Waterfall(修眉瀑布). More specifically, (1) Mongjeong symbolizes the life of gaining knowledge through studying to realize one's foolishness, (2) Hwalsudam symbolizes a transcending attitude in life refusing to pursue wealth and fame, and (3) Jangwoodam symbolizes the gateway to the fairyland to enter the world of mystic gods. 4) The rationale behind Hageowon is that the two algorithms of Confucionism and Taoist Theory appear repeatedly and in an overlapping way. The Napoji(納汚池) and Hwalsudam, which pertains to the prelude of space development, has symbolized Susimyangseong(修心養成, meditating one's mind and improving one's nature), which is based on ethical rationalism. Moreover, if the Monjeong sphere pertaining to the eastern outer garden of Hageowon takes the Confucionist value system as its theme, including moral training, studying, and researching, Jangwudam, Sumi Waterfalls, and Unwa can be understood as a taste of Cheokbyeon(滌煩, eliminating troubles) for the arts where the mystic world is substituted as a meaningful scenery. 5) The miniascape technique called artificial mountain was substituted to Hageowon to construct a mystic world like the 12 peaks of Mt. Mu(巫山). By borrowing the symbolic meaning expressed in old poems, it has been named 'Habang(1/何放), Hwabong(2, 3/和峯), Chulgun(4, 5, 6/出群), Sinwan(7/神浣), Chwhigyu(8, 9, 10/聚糾), Cheomyo(11/處杳), Giyung(12/氣融).' The representative poet reciting artificial mountain were Wangeui(汪醫), Nosamgang(魯三江), Dubo(杜甫), Hanyou(韓愈), Jeonheaseong(錢希聖), and Beomseokho(范石湖). They related themselves with literature by transcending time and space and attempted to sing about the richness of the mental world by putting the mystic world and culture of appreciating the arts they pursued in the vacation home called Hageowon.

• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.105-127
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• 1989

Although poultry industry in Japan has been much developed in recent years, it still needs to be developed , compared with developed countries. Since the poultry market in Korea is expected to be opened in the near future it is necessary to maximize the Productivity to reduce the production costs and to develop the scientific, technologies and management organization systems for the improvement of the quality in poultry production. Followings ale the summary of poultry industry in Japan. 1. Poultry industry in Japan is almost specized and commercialized and its management system is ： integrated, cooperative and developed to industrialized intensive style. Therefore, they have competitive power in the international poultry markets. 2. Average egg weight is 48-50g per day (Max. 54g) and feed requirement is 2. 1-2. 3. 3. The management organization system is specialized and farmers in small scale form complex and farmers in large scale are integrated.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.701-738
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• 2016

The Geomungo(거문고) is a instrument of Gogureoy(高句麗). The instrument had covered a lot of Korea, so it have become a important musical instrument in Korea. Hayasi Genjo(林謙三), Japanese scholar, had maintained his opinion that the Geomungo of Gogureoy is the Wagonghu(臥??), and the Geomungo was formed later, the record of Kimbusik, wrighter of the History of Three Kingdom(三國史記), was incredible. Lee-Hyegu refuted his hypothesis because the introduction on the Wagonghu of Japan have been inaccurate. Since then, many scholars of Korea have studed on the Geomungo of Gogureoy. But their study of the Geomungo was inclined to the topic, relation of the Geomungo and the Wagonghu, or the Wagonghu, the origin of the Geomungo. And They have thought that the record of Kimbusik's was truth. Kimbusik had recorded that Wangsanak(王山岳) had made the Geomungo from the Chilheoyn-Geum(七絃琴, Seven stringed Zither. 古琴). But the Geomungo was different from Geum(琴), but similar to Wagonghu. Many ancient tomb have been unearthed in the old land of Gogureoy, and the were many tomb painting of Gogureoy Geomungo. They were many different style, the form, the size, the number of strings and the position of the musician. So I think that many various type of the Geomungo had been exsited in Gogureoy they had become a prestyle of the Geomungo. The Geomungo was originated from the Wagonghu, its form was similar to the Geomungo. The many scholars considered that it is truth, the Wagonghu was handed down from China, and was spreded to Japan. But there were the Wagonghu in the early Joseon(古朝鮮), The song of the early Joseon, Gongmudohaga(公無渡河歌). The song was accompanied by the Wagonghu. We can read off, at the Song, the Wagonghu had exsisted in the early Joseon. So I think cautiously on that point, the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon was old than that of China, and thd Geomungo of Gogureoy was originated from the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2014

In Joseon dynasty, Gongsin-Gyoseo(Royal Edicts rewarding meritorious vassals) was issued for the reward of the contribution to the specific event of the nation. The family decided as vassals succeeded this Gongsin-Gyoseo as the family treasure to later generations. When one happened to lose this caused by an unavoidable situation such as war in this process, there were a few cases of reissuing of Gongsin-gyoseo by the nation. The confirmative reissued Gongsin-gyoseo among Gongsin-gyoseo that descended down by now are three pieces which is Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo, Gu goeng Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo. This research considered the form and mounting about these three pieces. It was indicated that the reissued Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced following the same form with the original Gongsin-Gyoseo, that is pyeongchul(moving to next lines) and daedu (writing one or two letters ahead compared to the first letter) and so on. But, it was indicated that the change of the position of the vassals in the reissued time was reflected compared to position of the original Gongsin-Gyoseo. In case of Jeonsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, it was indicated that it was 'Wonjongdaewang-whi' since the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was 'Jeongwongun-bu' and the reissued time he became the father of King Injo. Also, it was confirmed that the case of deprivation because of conspiracy such as 'Kim jajeom, Kim ryeon, Sim kiwon, Sim kisung' was produced as the original document and deleted with black ink stick. It was newly confirmed while the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced by a designated writer from the nation, the reissuance was written by a writer from the family of the vassals. Since the mounting of Gongsin-Gyoseo could be changed according to the favor and technique of the craftsman participated in the practical production such as Baezeopjang and economical situation of the country supplying the material, the mounting of these three Gongsin-Gyoseo should be different from the original mounting, especially because of the loss of the original by the Manchu war of 1636. The comparison result of Gongsin-Gyoseo produced in the same period with the original issued one in the record of the related Uigwe (a collection of documents from the Joseon Dynasty), the reissued one seems to be larger in the form or ratio of the mounting compared to the first issued one. First of all, the width of Byunah was expanded as twice bigger, center and both side Hoejang also was bigger as over 2cm, and the below Hoejang was expanded as 10cm, and the ratio of the upper Hoejang and the below Hoejang was wider as 1.5 times and the reissuance was 1:1 ratio. The bisect of upper shaft in Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo is assumed as the form of an equilateral triangle, not a half-moon shape of the present, and Gu goeng and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo will be the form whose bisection form is same but the size is smaller. Chuksu is confirmed that the size is not changed significantly. Osaekdahoe can be assumed that the width was smaller compared to the first issued one. The 3 pieces of the reissued versions provide the clue of the verification for the form of the mounting of Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo in the same production period. In the situation that the mounting of the production time was not confirmed among the currently descended Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo, they can be very important materials.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.99-128
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• 2008

This research analyzes some Korean historical figures and presents the core values of their leaderships so that we can bring up the theory of leadership which would be compatible with the current circumstances around Korea. Through this work, we expected that we would not only find out typical examples among historical leaders but also reaffirm our identities in our history. As a result of the research, it was possible to classify some figures in history into several patterns and discover their archetypal qualities. Those qualities were 'transform(實事)', 'challenge(決死)', 'energize(風流)', 'create(創案)', and 'envision(開新)' respectively. Among the qualities, this research concentrated on the quality of 'challenge', exclusively 'death-defying spirit'. This spirit is the one with which historical leaders could sacrifice their lives for their great causes. This research selected twelve figures as incarnations of death-defying spirit, who are Gyebaek(階伯), Ganggamchan(姜邯贊), Euljimundeok(乙支文德), Choeyoung(崔瑩),ChungMongju(鄭夢周), Seongsammun (成三問), Yisunsin(李舜臣), Gwakjaewoo(郭再祐), Choeikhyeon(崔益鉉), Anjunggeun(安重根), Yunbonggil(尹奉吉), Yijun(李儁). Through analyzing their core values and abilities and categorizing some historical cases into four spheres such as a private sphere, relations sphere, a community sphere, and a society sphere, we came to find a certain element in common among those figures. It was that they eventually took the lead by showing the goal and the ideal to their people at all times. Moreover, their goals were always not only obvious but also unwavering. In the second chapter, I described the core value in a private sphere, so called '志靑靑'. It implies that a leader should set his ultimate goal and then try to attain it with an unyielding will. Obvious self-confidence and unfailing self-creed are core values in a private sphere. In the third chapter, I described the core value in a relative sphere, the relationship between one and others. It is '守信結義'. It indicates that a leader should win confidence from others by discharging his duties in the relation with others. Confidence is the highest leveled affection to others. Thus, mutual reliance should be based on truthful sincerity and affection toward others. Stubbornness and strictness are needed not to be prompted by pity simultaneously. In the fourth chapter, I described the core value in a community sphere. It is '丹心合力'. For this value, what are required to a leader are both his community spirit and his loyalty to one's community. Moreover, the strong sense of responsibility and the attitude of taking an initiative among others are also required. Thus, it can be said that the great power to conduct the community is so called fine teamwork. What's more, the attitude of the leader can exert a great influence on his community. In the fifth chapter, I described the core value of death defying spirit in the society sphere. This value might be more definite and explicit than other ones described above. A leader should prepare willingly for one's death to fulfill his great duties. 'What to do' is more important for a leader than 'how to do'. That is to say, a leader should always do righteous things. Efficiency is nothing but one of his interests. A leader must be the one who behaves himself always according to righteousness. Unless a leader's behaviors are based on righteousness, it is absolutely impossible that a leader exerts his leadership toward people very efficiently. Thus, it can be said that a true leader is the one not only who is of morality and but also who tries to fulfill his duties.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.217-253
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• 2020

This study analyzes the principles of the 'Earthly Paradise' (仙境, the realm of immortals), 'Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang' (陰陽合德), and the 'Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' (天地公事) while combining them with Joseon art. Therefore, this study aims to discover the context wherein the concept of Taiji in 'Daesoon Truth,' deeply penetrates into Joseon art. Doing so reveals how 'Daesoon Thought' is embedded in the lives and customs of the Korean people. In addition, this study follows a review of the sentiments and intellectual traditions of the Korean people based on 'Daesoon Thought' and creative works. Moreover, 'Daesoon Thought' brings all of this to the forefront in academics and art at the cosmological level. The purpose of this research is to vividly reveal the core of 'Daesoon Thought' as a visual image. Through this, the combination of 'Daesoon Thought' and Joseon art will secure both data and reality at the same time. As part of this, this study deals with the world of 'Daesoon Thought' as a cosmological Taiji principle. This concept is revealed in Joseon art, which is analyzed and examined from the viewpoint of art philosophy. First, as a way to make use of 'Daesoon Thought,' 'Daesoon Truth' was developed and directly applied to Joseon art. In this way, reflections on Korean life within 'Daesoon Thought' can be revealed. In this regard, the selection of Joseon art used in this study highlights creative works that have been deeply ingrained into people's lives. For example, as 'Daesoon Thought' appears to focus on the genre painting, folk painting, and landscape painting of the Joseon Dynasty, attention is given to verifying these cases. This study analyzes 'Daesoon Thought,' which borrows from Joseon art, from the perspective of art philosophy. Accordingly, attempts are made to find examples of the 'Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang' and Tai-Ji in Joseon art which became a basis by which 'Daesoon Thought' was communicated to people. In addition, appreciating 'Daesoon Thought' in Joseon art is an opportunity to vividly examine not only the Joseon art style but also the life, consciousness, and mental world of the Korean people. As part of this, Chapter 2 made several findings related to the formation of 'Daesoon Thought.' In Chapter 3, the structures of the ideas of 'Earthly Paradise' and 'Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang' were likewise found to have support. And 'The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' and Tai-Ji were found in depictions of metaphysical laws. To this end, the laws of 'The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' and the structure of Tai-Ji were combined. In chapter 4, we analyzed the 'Daesoon Thought' in the life and work of the Korean people at the level of the convergence of 'Daeesoon Thought' and Joseon art. The analysis of works provides a glimpse into the precise identity of 'Daesoon Thought' as observable in Joseon art, as doing so is useful for generating empirical data. For example, works such as Tai-Jido, Ssanggeum Daemu, Jusachaebujeokdo, Hwajogi Myeonghwabundo, and Gyeongdodo are objects that inspired descriptions of 'Earthly Paradise', 'Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang,' and 'The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth.' As a result, Tai-Ji which appears in 'Daesoon Thought', proved the status of people in Joseon art. Given all of these statements, the Tai-Ji idea pursued by Daesoon Thought is a providence that follows change as all things are mutually created. In other words, it was derived that Tai-Ji ideology sits profoundly in the lives of the Korean people and responds mutually to the providence that converges with 'Mutual Beneficence.'

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.140-170
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• 2021

This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.47-75
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• 2021

This thesis looks into the interpretation of the Korean War and mystery genre in Korea in the 1970s by analyzing the special drama , in which the theme was directly related to the Korean War, airing through MBC in 1979. It begins by finding the change in direction in the 1970s when the world of TV was dictated through the heavy censorship and the memory of the war by the government. It also looks at the intentions of the producer who was taking in the new way and the viewers who also accepted this drama and its reflections. In order to gain some insights into these issues, it compares between the drama "The Last Witness" and the original novel by Seong-jong Kim who holds the same time to see the way in which this is dramatized. The drama, "The Last Witness", was produced with a plan to generate a high-quality special drama which combined both artistry and sense of purpose. Nevertheless, as watching TV became a leisurely past-time during this period, TV dramas become more aggressive and suggestive in order to attract viewers. This ultimately was encored with obstacles due to the regime and the heavy censorship at the time. The genre of special drama that is well known in South Korea, is designed as an art form to satisfy both their unique artistry and its purpose. The conflict is seen between the key elements of the artistic drama crated by the producers and the 'encouraged' elements that often are needed to engage the viewers. Thus, more often than not, special dramas defeat the original intention of national harmony, encouraged by the regime. This is due to the 'novelty' aspect which grows from the effort of bringing enjoyment to viewers whilst also trying to achieve the artistic drama to life. Alongside this, crime element in this drama is designed in a way that visually embodies the process of deduction, becoming a new possibility to secure the reality of the times. However, it was also a paradoxical existence since it was indicated as an example of unrefined culture that lost its original intention. In that way, it is worth to think that detective suspense stories, which were not popular in Korea, influenced viewers as a tv drama series in the 1970s through the various elements that compose the genre. They went through a process of transplantation and acceptance whilst also attempting to satisfy the viewers and their encouraged elements to engage them. As is well known, crime drama in Korea has its own style by mixing anticommunism and detective reasoning. This combination is found in the way in which the genre naturally forms through the elements selected and excluded in the dramatization of "The Last Witness". The point is that the special drama "The Last Witness" can be seen as an intermediate form that shows the tendency of transformation from the detective reasoning form alongside the crime aspects as TV dramas began to include anticommunism messaging and investigation in the 1970s. In conclusion, when the detective reasoning is used as an element in a TV drama, it shows the trust of the public system and it constantly seeks the possibility of circumventing the political interpretation. The memories of the war is seen as a tool that neutralizes the dismal imaginations inscribed on the dark side of society and the system. As a result, "The Last Witness", broadcasted at the end of the Yushin regime in Korea, is a strange result which combines the logic of a special drama and the encouraged characteristics of television dramas. The viewers' desire which is the discussion about the hidden traces from the texts needs to be restored again.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.46
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• pp.195-237
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• 2014

Palsapum are ornaments to reveal the purpose of commander of three naval forces as well as symbols to remember the greatness of admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. In 1966, ther were designated as a treasure No. 440 based on their value; however, they have not received attention from academia because they are relics from China. This study compares and analyzes the document, paintings, and relevant references from Korea and China focusing on Palsapum, understands their formal characteristics, and examines their historical value such as years and location of creation. As a result, the study determines five of them are original, but three of them were newly created by the later generations. The five, Dodogin (都督印, Commander's seal)·Yeongpae (令牌, Commander's tablet)·Gwido (鬼刀, Replica of the devil sword)·Chamdo (斬刀, Replica of the decapitation swor d)·and Gognapal (bugle) were created by Ming Dynasty before 1598, and delivered by the hands of General Chen Lin. The other three, Dokjeongi (督戰 旗, Battle flag)·Hongsoryeonggi (紅小令旗, Commander's flag)·and Namsoryeonggi (藍小令旗, Commander's flag), were created in 19th century by Joseon Dynasty. After analysis on the former relics, the study determines that they are not official relics with the dignity of Ming Dynasty but personal relics with regional characteristics; in other words, Palsamun are not the royal gifts from Emperor Shenzong to Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. but personal momentoes left by General Chen Lin in the Tongjeyoung to celebrate the admiral. The names, variety, numbers, and appurtenances of Palsapum have been changed with time as follows. First, the scholars of Jeseon in 17the century only focused on Dodogin. It was certainly created in Ming Dynasty; however, it was a personal stamp, so considered to be not from the emperor but from General Chen Lin. Second, Palsapum was called Palsamul and consisted of 14 pieces of 8 kinds in 18the century, ; it is confirmed on the 「Dosul(圖說, stories with pictures of」 『Yi Chungmugong Literary Collection』 The sizes of five relics including Dodogin are similar to the records, but their patterns and shapes are exotic, or cannot be found in Joseon. Thus, they reflect the regional characteristics of Guangdong province. Third, they were called Palsapum, and consisted on 15 pieces of 8 kinds in 19th century; it is confirmed on , a sixteen-fold folding screen drawn by Shin, Gwan-Ho in 1861. The stamp box, tablet bag, and three flags were newly created to engrave Joseon style letters and patterns on damageable materials such as leather and cloth. The relics easy to be destroyed have been renewed even after 19th century. Last, there are many misunderstandings about Palsapum by governmental indifference and improper management of records even though they were designated as a treasure in very early times. Thus, authorities should be concerned with Palsapum to provide the measures for stable maintenance of the relics; this will let people remember not only the history of cooperation between Korea and China to stop the Japanese ambition, but also Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin and General Chen Lin to bring victory in Japanese invasions of Korea.