• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.22-37
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• 2021

The wind chime is a longstanding Jangeomgu (majestic article) found in Korea, China, and Japan. However, basic research on wind chimes is currently inadequate as it is difficult to estimate the time of production, and there are few relics. Therefore, this research morphologically classifies the eight bronze wind chimes decorating the baldachin of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan. Based on this, the manufacturing techniques and production period are scientifically demonstrated. The synthesis of the research results reveals that the structure and characteristics of the wind chimes of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan differ depending on their location on the baldachin. The four large-sized wind chimes on the lower-baldachin were manufactured by casting a Cu-Sn-Pb alloy, and they are estimated to have been made during the early period of Goryeo. The two medium-sized wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northern direction were manufactured through forging a Cu-Sn or Cu-Sn-Pb alloy, and they appear to have a similar structure to the cylindrical wind chimes appearing during the latter period of Goryeo and the Joseon period. The two small-sized wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's southern direction were manufactured by casting a Cu-Sn-Pb alloy containing Zn, and based on the chemical composition of the alloy and the shape of the clapper, they are estimated to have been manufactured during the latter period of Joseon. Through the observation of microstructures and a chemical composition analysis, it is demonstrated that two wind chimes of the lowerbaldachin were manufactured by casting and slow cooling the alloy with an alloy ratio of Cu:Sn:Pb≒80:15:5. In addition, it is estimated that the wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northeast direction were manufactured by forging an alloy of Cu-Sn with a similar alloy ratio to that of forged high tin bronze. The results of a comparative analysis of prior research on domestic wind chimes confirm that two wind chimes of the lower-baldachin have a similar composition ratio to the wind chime excavated from Wolnamsaji in Gangjin, containing an amount of tin that corresponds with ancient records. Having a similar alloy ratio to forged high tin bronze, the wind chimes of the upper-baldachin's northeast direction are the only instances among all of the wind chimes that have been examined to date that were manufactured using this forging method. The purpose of this research is to collect baseline data to verify and classify the manufacturing period of wind chimes according to their morphological characteristics based on scientific evidence. It is hoped that this data can be utilized for the restoration and conservation processes of the wind chimes of the Stone Standing Maitreya Bodhisattva of Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.59 no.6
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• pp.29-40
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• 2009

On April 28th of 2006, a set of Buddha's reliquary was excavated from the pagoda in n Nacsan Temple. According to the record, the relics were put in the pagoda in the 18th year of King SookJong in the Chosun Dynasty (1692). The present paper examines ten pieces of wrapping clothes covering reliquary found in the pagoda. They are especially precious data in the history of textiles because they were blocked off from outside and was preserved in good condition with vivid colors still remaining after more than 300 years. Of the ten pieces of wrapping cloth, five were double-layered and the other five were single-layered. They include 15 pieces of silk fabric but, excluding repeated use of the same silk fabric, the total of 11 pieces of silk fabric were examined. All 11 kinds of silk fabric were patterned, 9 of which were Satin and the other 2 were Twill. Of the 9 Satin pieces, 8 pieces were 5-end satin which had the ground of 5-end warp satin with the figure of 5-end weft satin. The remaining 1 Satin piece were more splendid with prominent figures by using warp and weft of different colors. The 2 Twill pieces used twill weave-the ground was 3-end warp twill and the figures were 5-end weft twill. Both of the Twill pieces were weaved with character patterns, partly using wrapped gold thread as supplementary weft. The patterns of 11 pieces of silk fabric include flower, dragon/phoenix, cloud, and geometric patterns. Five were flower patterns, three were dragon/phoenix patterns, two were geometric pattern, and one was cloud pattern. In addition, various treasure patterns, character patterns were utilized as supplementary patterns. The flower and phoenix patterns reflect characteristics of the textiles of the 17th century whereas check pattern and cloud pattern were very unique.

• Journal of the Mineralogical Society of Korea
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.187-193
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• 2015

The purpose of the present study is to trace the provenance of lead raw materials using the lead isotope ratio of 9 lead glasses excavated from the Sarira hole of Mireuksaji stone pagoda and to determine correlation between them and other lead glasses excavated from the Wanggungri site. The results of chemical analysis of the 9 lead glasses show that they are common lead glass system($PbO-SiO_2$) with respect to the contents of PbO (70 wt.%) and $SiO_2$ (30 wt.%). The lead isotope ratios of them plot to northern Korean peninsula when applied to the distribution map of lead isotopes of East Asia. On the other hand, southern Korean peninsula is verified as the main deposits of the lead ore in the distribution map of lead isotopes of South Korea. With respect to the results, it is notable that the provenance of the 9 lead glasses can be very different depending on the distribution map. In addition, a comparative study between them and the lead glasses excavated from the Wanggungri which was built in the same region and period shows that their lead isotopes are highly correlated.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.40
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• pp.169-205
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• 2007

Owing to the excavation of Goseong Munam-ri site, there has much advance in study of chronology of the early Neolithic Age flat-bottom potteries distributed in the mid-eastern part of Korean Peninsular. Relics such as stone tools, clay products, ornaments as well as potteries from Goseong Munam-ri site reflect cultural relation with Boisman culture in Duman river basin area and with the southern part of Korean Peninsular. Common features can be found in some potteries, arrowheads, scrapers, and sinkers from Boisman culture and Goseong Munam-ri site. There are much more common features in pottery and earring-making techniques observed in Goseong Munam-ri site and the southern part of the peninsular. Thus it may be possible to analogize migration or spread of people from the mid-eastern part to the southern part of Korean Peninsular.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.80-99
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• 2012

It is known that there are two Gabong taesil (shrine for King's umbilical cord) of King Danjong, the 6th king of Joseon, remaining today. One of them is Mt. Sogok in Sacheon-city, Gyeongsangnam-do and the other is Mt. Beomnim in Seongju-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do. The academic sector argued about this matter as there cannot be two Gabong taesil for one king. I once argued that Taesil on Mt. Beomnim in Seongju is King Danjong's Gabong taesil and Danjong taesil in Sacheon is the one for Prince Inseongdaegun, the eldest son of King Yejong. At that time, however, I had not examined the archaeological relics found in these places. In result of making an archaeological approach, I have come to the following conclusions :1. King Danjong had two Taesil : Agi taesil(shrine for baby's umbilical cord) and Gabong taesil. The first Agi taesil was created on Taebong of Mt. Seonseok in Seongju on November 26, 1441, but was moved to Mt. Beomnim in Seongju in 1451 to form the second Agi taesil. In 1458, King Sejo eliminated his Taesil. The stone structures of Gabong taesil still remains on Taebong of Mt. Beomnim, so it has been assumed that King Danjong established them during his reign (1452-1455). 2. Taesil in Sacheon has been known as King Danjong's Taesil because of King Danjong's reinstatement during the reign of King Sukjong. His Taesil was repaired with the reinstatement and King Sukjong was mistaken that Taesil in Sacheon was King Danjong's Taesil to fix it. The time of restoration has been assumed to be soon after the restoration of King Danjong's tomb (1699-1719). Taesil is missing the book of records and rails around the stone structure because the tombs of reinstated kings were restored without rails. 3. It is incorrect that Taesil in Sacheon was known as King Danjong's Taesil, It has been concluded that this Taesil was for Prince Inseongdaegun who was born in 1462. I focused on the fact that Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil was in Seosamneung Taesil instead of King Danjong's Taesil. When Yiwangjik stored King Danjong's Taesil in Seoul in 1928 and moved it to Seosamneung in 1930, he found that the epitaph on the tombstone recorded that it was Prince Inseongdaegun, not King Danjong, and created Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil in Seosamneung. I referred to "Taebong", which was created when Seosamneung Taesil was built during the Japanese imperial rule over Joseon, and the relics found in Taesil in Sacheon and Seosamneung.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.11-31
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• 2019

Taking the painting, 「Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain」 as the study object, which was produced in the middle of Qing Dinasty and collected by the British Library, this paper analyzes the scenery names recorded in the painting, and describes the landscape of the mountain, port and ships, architectural elements, civil elements, character, stone inscription and other scenery in the painting. The investigation results of the cultural landscape properties of each Gok are as follows: According to statistics, there are 28 architectural elements in the painting, including 7 pavilions (25%), 4 temples (14.3%), 3 Colleges and Taoist temple (10.7%), 2 Dowon(道院) and villages (7.1%); 29 civil elements, including 9 holes (31%), 6 Historical Sites (20.7%), 3 Stations(臺) (10.3%), 2 Ferries, 2 Bridges, and 2 Ponds (6.9%), 1 Garden, 1 Gate, 1 Mine(坑), 1 Well and 1 Remains(3.4%). These physical factors and civil factors are the important relics reflected the cultural landscape attributes of Wuyi-Gugok in the middle of the 18th century. Among the shape element in each Gok, the 1^st Gok have 12 shape elements(21.1%), the 5^th Gok 11(19.3%), the 4^th Gok 9(15.8%), the 9^th Gok 8(14%), the 3^rd Gok 7(12.3%), the 6^th Gok 4(7%), the 2^nd Gok 3(5.3%), the 7^th Gok 2(3.5%), and the 8^th Gok 1(2%). Through collation, it is found that the 1^st Gok, 5^th Gok and 4^th Gok have more prominent cultural landscape characteristics. In addition, according to the description of scenic spot types in 『Muisanji(武夷山志)』, there are 38 types of scenery description in the painting, of which, the three scenery of big rock, peak, small rock occupy the vast majority. This reflects the Danxia(丹霞) landform characteristics of Wuyi-Gugok. The cultural connotation of Wuyi Mountain expressed and contained in the painting is analyzed and interpreted, and it is found that the Jiuqu(九曲) River in the Wuyi Mountain has Neo-confucianism culture, Taoism culture, Buddhism culture, Tea culture and so on. In addition, among the 171 scenery names shown in the painting, there are altogether 7 stone inscriptions that are consistent with or have the same meaning as the rock inscriptions site, including 3 for inscriptions praising the landscape, 3 for philosophical inscription and 1 for auspicious language inscription, which is considered as the important basis for the mutual textuality between the pictures and the stone inscriptions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.6-22
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• 2022

In this paper classifies the types of 228 anchor stones discharged from the west and south coasts, assumes a combined method by type, routes through discharge locations, and It attempted to estimate the burial site. Prior to classification of types, the weight, thickness, width, and length of the anchor stone were measured, and the largest Young in the tomb The scent weight was classified into I~V groups, and the shape of the anchor stone was classified into 1-6 types. All of these weight and shape correlations It was classified into 17 types. The combined method by type is 180kg or less depending on the morphological characteristics of the reference value of the extracted anchor stone, and the type An anchor of type 1 or 2 is used in combination with an anchor, and a anchor of type 3 or 6 weighs more than 180kg and is combined with an anchor The dragon was assumed to be an anchor. Along with this, the route and burial site are identified through past records and testimony of local residents It was checked against the data. The route was largely consistent with past records, but the new route was apparent in waters near the island or inland It was also drawn. In the case of burial sites, small and large in Taean Mado Sea and Jindo Byeokpajin Sea, where anchor stones are concentrated, Considering the pattern of the type anchor stones being discharged, it was consistent with the testimony that ships of various sizes were mysterious in the two seas. Based on this type classification, a study on the spatiality of the anchors was conducted. First, a comparison and analysis was done on whether actual real data, such as anchor stones, old ships, and relics, were identified on the Joun-ro route and international trade routes as recorded in the past literature. Where there was no record, the route was estimated based on real data. To this end, routes estimated based on the testimony of local residents and modern ship workers were analyzed as to whether ships traveled there in the past and whether they could actually sail. Next, the location of each seedling was estimated by ship size according to the weight of the anchor stone. In the case of the Taean Mado Sea and Jindo Byeokpajin Sea, both small and large anchor stones were discharged from the coastline and were far away.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.305-321
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• 2022

The stone chamber tomb in Eungpyeong-ri, Buyeo, is a joint tomb that contains the bodies of two individuals. This paper investigates the relationship between the buried persons and the characteristics of the stone chamber tomb. Based on the geographical location, relics, and the excavated human bones, it was determined that the tomb was built during the Sabi Period of the Baekje Dynasty and that the buried individuals were most probably residents of high stature or government officials. To study the excavated bones, the remains were carefully collected and conservation was carried out. Before collecting samples from the human bones for the analytical research, the results of near-infrared analysis were used to collect the samples for the isotope analysis and DNA analysis. The most important issue when handling the excavation site was the reinforcing agent and the concentration of the agent used. In situations like this, Paraloid B-72 is the most suitable agent. When the shape of human bones was difficult to distinguish from the soil, conservation was performed using X-ray and CT imaging data. The same chemical used for the reinforcement of the site was used to complete a minimum level of conservation to the surface areas where the conservation treatment of removing foreign substances, the reinforcement areas, and bonded areas were carried out. The collagen yield from the sample obtained at selected position was 3.8% to 6.1%. The results of analyzing the stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen found in the extracted collagen showed that the stable isotope ratios came out to δ¹³C -18.3‰±0.1‰, -19.0‰±0.1‰ for EBW and δ¹⁵N 10.7‰±0.5‰, 10.6‰±0.1‰ for EBE. It is believed the two individuals consumed small amounts of minor cereals, mainly from C₃ plants, and protein was obtained from eating terrestrial animals. What's more, the deviations in data obtained from the two individuals were so small that it could be inferred that the individuals ate similar foods. Considering the preservation state of the sample, amplifying DNA for the DNA analysis would have been very difficult since the amount of surviving DNA was so deficient. For DNA analysis, it is anticipated that the results could be derived by applying improved extraction methods that will be developed in the future. In this research, any association between scientific analysis(DNA and stable isotope ratio) and near-infrared spectroscopy was difficult to establish. Further research is needed on the utilization of near-infrared analysis for gathering samples from human bones.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.103-113
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• 2002

Heungdukwang'(興德王) costume ordinance(834A.D.) is a very important written historical record because it reveals Tongil Shills's(統一新羅) costume. But among the clothing pieces that appeared in Heundukwang'(興德王) costume ordinance, classification of Naeoe(內衣) and Danoe(短衣) is not clear. This study focuses on the categorization of Naeoe(內衣) and Danoe(短衣). Upper garments included among costume ordinance were Pyooe(表衣), Naeoe(內衣) and Danoe(短衣), Pyooe(表衣) and aeoe(內衣) were unisex, while Danoe(短衣) was worn only by women excluding the lower class. Pyooe(表衣) is applicable to Po(袍), Naeoe(內衣) is aplicable to Yu(유). Shilla'(新羅) upper garments appearing in visual records are as follows: -With the exception of Pyooe(表衣), the length of men's upper garments were between hip and knee length. These upper garments featured V-neck and round neck styles with the left side of the garments folded over the right side. -Again excluding Pyooe(表衣), women's upper garments were similar to men's upper garments having V-neck and round necklines. We know this to be true from the relics found during the excavations of Hwangsungdong and Yonggangdong, as well as from the women in the stone reliefs of Sangju. Although we know the shape of necklines. the length of upper garments remained a mystery because women of that tome tucked in their upper garments into the skirts and/or wore an over garment. However a clay doll found around Bulguksa(佛國寺) wearing a knee length garment with V-neck. The upper garment was opened in the front and was worn over another garment with same length and round neckline. At that time, The upper garments found in China and Japan. were not much different than those found in Shilla (新羅). They also included garments that were waist length, had peach-shaped necklines, or were worn over head. Shilla's(新羅) traditional upper garment was between hip and knee length, but with the introduction and influence of Chinese costume. upper garments with a length coming down to the high waist line began to appear. In addition to Chinese influence, because Shilla's(新羅) women wore the upper garment first and then the lower garment, a long upper garment was not necessary. These shorter upper garments came to be known as 'Danoe(短衣)'When we perceive clothing. we look at silhouette first and then the details. Silhouette is much determined by length and neckline or the front of the garment determines the details, So we need to attention to the basis of ancient dress classifications. These classifications were according to first length [Po(袍), Yu(유)] and then neckline [Danryoung(團領), Jingryoung(首領)]. As a result. Naeoe(內衣) and Danoe(短衣) are classified by the length. The length (內衣) was between hip and knee length while Daneoe(短衣) was waist length. Danoe(短衣) was worn by putting the bottom of it inside skirt naeoe(內衣) was worn over a skirt or plant. But both had V-neck and round neck styles, and styles with the left side of the garments folded over the right side.