• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.16
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• pp.41-69
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• 2013

The inauguration of the collective Reality and Utterance (Hy$\breve{o}$nsil kwa Par$\breve{o}$n) in 1979 and 1980 marked a watershed moment in Korean art. This is not only because the collective gave birth to the politically-engaged art movement that would come to be labeled "Minjung Art" by the middle of the 80s, but also because it enthusiastically embraced a wide range of images from the urban culture. With a special focus on the members' early work, my research explores an issue largely neglected in the dominant narrative of Minjung art as a form of activism against the authoritarian Korean government during the 80s. The issue is what was at stake in Reality and Utterance's exploration of contemporary urban visual culture. The aim of this essay is to recognize the engagement with the urban visual culture as central to the group's early project and to consider it at some distance from the anti-urban and anti-mass culture perspective which was endorsed by the Minjung narrative. Focusing on members' turn to urban visual culture, this essay instead argues that this turn was by no means merely a means to making art as social critique, but more importantly, it was an experiment with the shared image world, as opposed to the rarefied visual vocabularies of abstract modernism. Visual productions such as advertisements, billboards, posters, and kitsch paintings, which come from outside the narrow confines of fine art, were definitely ominous signs of the colonization of everyday life in the capitalist city, but at the same time they were anticipated to be a catalyst for redefining Korean art in a more communicative, accessible, and democratized way. In this regard, in the early 1980s-in particular 1980 and 1982-the members' gesture oscillated between critique and embrace, which allowed the group to occupy a unique domain in the realm of Korean art production.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.137
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• pp.57-79
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• 2016

The purpose of this paper is to explain MacIntyre's critique of moral pluralism of modern society and reveal the limits of his critique of liberalism. It is a distinctive feature of the social and cultural order that we inhabit that disagreements over central moral issues are peculiarly unsettleable. Debates concerned with the value of human life such as those over abortion and euthanasia, or about distributive justice and property rights, or about war and peace degenerate into confrontations of assertion and counter-assertion because the protagonists of rival positions invoke incommensurable forms of moral assertion against each other. We usually call this situation 'modern moral pluralism' and concede as the natural outcome of the activities of human reason under free institution. But in After Virtue, MacIntyre vigorously criticizes modern moral pluralism. The main cause he took which brought about this state of affairs was the failure of 'the Enlightenment project'. According to MacIntyre, the Enlightenment project which has dominated philosophy for the past three hundred years promised a conception of rationality independent of historical and social context, and independent of any specific understanding of man's nature or purpose. But not only has that promise in fact been unfulfilled, the project is itself fundamentally flawed and the promise could never be fulfilled. In consequence, modern moral and political thought are in a state of disarray from which they can be rescued only if we revert to an Aristotelian paradigm, with its essential commitment, and construct an account of practical reason premised on that commitment. But one of the deepest difficulties with the argument of After Virtue is that the very extent of its critique of the modern world seems to cast doubt on the possibility of any realistic revival under the conditions of modernity of the Aristotelianism which MacIntyre advocates. Especially when we consider we are not only the characters found in our narratives but also we ourselves are the author of our own narratives. Moral pluralism is not seen as disaster but rather as the natural outcome of the activities of human reason under enduring free institutions.

• American Studies
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2020

This paper is an effort to critique the heteronormative interpretations of Kate Chopin's The Awakening and to examine the relationships of three women-Edna Pontellier, Adele Ratignolle, Mademoiselle Reisz-in the homosocial climate of the Grand Isle. Through the disclosure of erotic encounters between these women and their deferred gratification, Chopin reveals the social imperative which suppresses and fixates female desire on a male object choice. Chopin also sheds light upon the masculine language appropriating romance and chivalry that renders it impossible for Edna to articulate her sexuality within the matrix of the phallocentric society. The Awakening is not a conventionalized plot which ends in Edna's subordination to the patriarchal order; rather, the story demonstrates the "process" of how her sexual awakening becomes negotiated under the patriarchal system and exposes the excess of desire that fails to be subsumed under the hegemonic discourse.

• Development and Reproduction
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.321-326
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• 2021

The purpose of this paper is to critique the links between science and scientific researchers, politics and capital surrounding vaccines and vaccination in a pandemic era. It also introduces standards for adapting ethical guidelines for research under public health emergencies to specific circumstances and contexts. It also introduces ethical standards to be applied to scientific research. that is, scientific relevance, social value, cooperative partnerships, reasonable risk-benefit costs, fair and voluntary participation, independent review, and equal moral respect for participants and affected communities. It also outlines the COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) pandemic-consent and other research procedure modifications proposed by Oregon Health and Science University (OHSU). We are on the lookout for powerful capital and hegemonic groups inseparable from politics and important decision makers in the pandemic era - that is, scientists, supporters, and scientific civic groups. It underscores the need for an independent and formal scientific advisory body with the right balance between science and politics.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.458-473
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• 2005

This paper begins with a critique that researches of geography education in Korea have not reflected the ideological debates in education and geography. The purpose of this paper is to figure implications for socially-critical geography education being studied in England as openly-ideological approach. First, ideological viewpoints of geography education was categorized through analysis of ideology in education and geography. Especially, a limit of conservative and liberal approach is indicated, socially-critical viewpoint is intrinsically justified as alternative logic. Socially-critical theorizing can change teacher's role as an agent of curriculum change and their conduct knowledge as well as geography curriculum. Second, (social) concern-oriented geography education to be more concerned to 'the social' can be realized through the third space approach and committed geography education as critical pedagogy. And, critical literacy is needed to teachers and students for practice of socially-critical geography education.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.116
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• pp.79-110
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• 2010

In this paper I will consider the Rousseauistic origin of Knat's theory of Freedom. Kant's autonomous freedom which is the main theme of the Critique of practical Reason have three characteristic elements, namely spontaneity, self-lawmaking and universal validity. Rousseau mentions three kinds of freedom in his works. Natural freedom which is treated in Discourse on the origin of inequality is freedom which a man in natural state have. I proved that natural freedom is the origin of Kant's theory of spontaneity that is a essential part of autonomous freedom. Social freedom which is treated in Social contract is deeply connected with general will. General will is the power of self-lawmaking. We can easily conclude that Rousseau's social freedom is the origin of Kant's theory of self-legislation which is another essential part of autonomous freedom. The last essential part of Kant's autonomous freedom is universality that is inseparably connected with Rousseau's moral freedom which is largely mentioned in Emlie.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.91-111
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• 2017

Purposes of this study, summoning thoughts and activities of Toynbee Hall of the UK and Hull House of the US held in between the end of 19C and the early 20C, are two folded: first, it is to examine the momentum and aims for which 'social' work was progressively established at that time; second, it is to look for implications for today's social work practice through understanding their characteristic activities and the context in which 'social' work was devised as an alternative in the two nations. The study method mainly relies on literature review, but further goes on to analyze the spirit of the age when settlement house was constructed as a welfare space and activities, leadership demonstrated in there, and to draw meanings for today, in terms of three dimensions: aim and location, professionality and education, and social action. Some of useful findings are: first, the COS and settlement house need to be considered in a continuum of socially responsive remedies against poverty and social work practice was developed in the process of 'suggestion-performance-critique-alternative suggestion-emergence of social work', rather than contrasting the two as opposite roots of social work practice. Second, settlement house was a socially constructed welfare space that contained intersectional dynamics of class, gender, personal vs. social, private vs. public, surrounding poverty issue. Third, besides differences between the two settlements, both purported for public goods and well-being and tried to realize the 'social' in that society. Lastly, this study explored historical meanings of settlement house as the welfare space with critical questions and discussed implications for social work practice today.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.3
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• pp.285-307
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• 2011

This study aims to criticize the recent reform of childcare policy since 2008, which goes for marketization, individualization, and familialization, and to search for its alternative. First, this study analyzes the problems of the above three options based on the context of 'free choice', while examining how welfare regimes have dealt with the changes in childcare policy. Second, the study reviews several controversies in the process of policy formation for childcare service, including coverage of service recipient, policy direction, outcome, efficiency, and priority. Third, it proposes an alternative for accomplishing universal childcare service delivery system. Finally, the paper is to point out that the reform of childcare policy of MB government carries fundamental problems of reinforcing class stratification and gender stratification, and thus dose not attain the ultimate goal of childcare policy.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.23 no.5 s.77
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• pp.63-77
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• 2005

The purpose of this study was to examine the changes and the characteristics of the attitudes toward children and spaces provided for them. by analyzing people's daily lives in housing spaces and architects' floor plans between the 1920s and the 1960s. Different kinds of data were obtained from a variety of early literature, research reports, newspaper articles, historical documents, and magazines from the period. Findings of this study are as follows: 1. Before modernization in Korea, children had been regarded as immature persons. Confucian ideas of children viewed them as 'small adults' or 'immature adults.' Thus spaces for children's daily lives were neither differentiated from those of the adults' nor deemed important. However, since the Western invasions and colonization by Japan, a remarkable change in the attitudes toward children took place. Children began to be considered a hope for the future as well as members of modem families. In addition, the introduction of the new word, 'eorini (children),' by Mr. Bang Jeonghwan, brought about a significant change in social consciousness of children. 2. The appearance of 'adongshil (children's room)' on architects' floor plans, which was a result of the social critique against androcentrism during the l930s and 1940s, was highly meaningful. The new floor plans not only emphasized rationalization of the space but also upgraded the children's status in the family. 3. Since the liberation (1945), children's space was differentiated from parental spare by the introduction of private rooms and shared spaces. The privacy of each generation was expressed by the division, and the generations were considered equal in this space distribution. In conclusion, the appearance of children's rooms required conflict-laden changes of social ideals and of the family system. It also was a symbol of modernization.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.673-690
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• 2015

This study is to consider the geographical images of Nakdong River region represented in the Modern Poetry. The findings are as follows. First, the change aspect of the poetry around Nakdong River area shows the social phenomenon of population movement, economic deprivation symptoms, the Korean War, economic development plans, the industrialization and spatial inequalities, environmental problems and environmental poetry, and various environmental issues, etc. Second, the poetry about Nakdong River can be classified by geographical area, showing a humanistic geographical image of the sense of place, natural geographical images about geomorphology and climate, and regional development and environmental pollution. Finally, the large number of poetry describes the beautiful terrain and the sense of place of poet, among ones targeting the upsteam of Nakdong River. The one in middle and downstream areas, however, reflected the reality and was social criticism mostly. This is because that, compares to the upstream, many large cities are distributed in the downstream area and the river becomes increasingly contaminated as it flows to the downstream.