• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.103-120
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• 2021

Recently, the importance of the fathers role in the care of young children has been emphasized in Korea for the balance of childcare responsibilities between mothers and fathers. This study investigates the trends in paternal childcare in Korea over the last 15 years. Childcare is divided into primary and developmental care and fathers's Childcare time and participation rates are inverstigated for dual- and single-income households. Data are collected from the four waves of the five-yearly Statistics of Korea Life Time Surveys between 2004(t₁) and 2019(t₄) including the workday time diaries of fathers with preschool children(n₁=2,264, n₂=1,242, n₃=959, n₄=952). Three major results are identified. First, paternal childcare time and participation rates have increased with dual-income fathers spending 24 more minutes a day with their young child(ren) in 2019 than in 2004, which is nearly double. Second, in the analysis of fathers' childcare time use and participation rates comparing primary and developmental care, primary care is found to have increased more than developmental care, especially among dual income fathers: this further exhibits a reversed relation between primary and developmental care over time. Third, the determinants of paternal childcare time are fathers' age, market labor time, commuting time, gender equality consciousness, and education. In particular, market labor time was significant in all four waves, while gender equality consciousness is only significant for single-income fathers. Based on these results, a specific agenda is provided for family-friendly policies to improve the balance of childcare roles between fathers and mothers, especially encouraging increased(significant and sufficient) participation of fathers in primary care activities.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.17-43
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• 2011

With a substantial rise in divorce rates since the mid 1990s, single-parent households are increasing rapidly in Korea. Often it is believed that children in single-mother households suffer the most economically and socially with the marital disruption of the parents. This study hypothesizes that in Korea the socioeconomic status of single-father households may be lower than that of single-mother households mainly because low-income divorced women are not able to form their own households with children. The analysis is based on two sub-samples from the 2% sample of the 2005 Census, one, with children 12 years old or younger and, the other, with divorced mothers of children of the same ages. The findings support the hypothesis that previously-married single fathers show the lowest educational and occupational status among 6 groups of parents: fathers and mothers from two-parent families, fathers and mothers from married but spouse-absent families, and previously-married single fathers and mothers. Divorced mothers'likelihood of living apart from their children has a strong negative association with their educational attainment, with the highest likelihood among women of middle school or lower education and the lowest likelihood among women with college education. Although single mothers comprise a larger percentage of single-parent households, single-father households demonstrate a particular vulnerability with their weak socioeconomic status.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.71-84
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• 2022

This study analyzed 2019 time survey data from the National Statistical Office to examine the childcare behaviors of fathers with preschool children and their determinants, considering types of care and working/nonworking days. The main results of this study are as follows. First, paternal childcare time of nonworking days was three times more than that of working days, and the participation rate was also higher on nonworking days. Second, there was no significant difference in the amount of time spent on primary care and developmental care by fathers, whether from dual- or single-income families. Third, it seems that fathers adjust their participation in childcare between working days and nonworking days in consideration of the mother's time availability. Fourth, the variables related to childcare needs had a significant influence on paternal childcare time on both working and nonworking days. Fathers' developmental care time was not explained by the independent variables entered into the regression analysis. As a result of the study, it is necessary to reduce fathers' working hours and increase family-friendly systems to increase fathers' participation in childrearing. Fathers' perception of parental responsibility must also be changed.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.87-101
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• 2008

Using the 1999 National Survey of America's Families(NSAF), this study investigated the factors that affect child care expenses and examined financial and social support of single mother families in the U. S. In this study, 4,676 single mother families with children aged twelve and under are included for the analytical sample. About half of all single mother families with children under age 12 had some amount of child care expenses in 1999. Monthly child care expenses for those who had child care expenses was an average of $255 and it accounted for about 15 percent of their family earnings. The profile of financial and social support showed that about one-quarter of single mothers received financial support for child care, one-fifth received free child care by relatives and about 40 percent received child support payments from nonresident fathers. Tobit analysis results showed that the significant factors that affected child care expenses were mother's age, marital status, educational level, employment status, the numbers of children aged 0-5, family income, the receipt of public assistance and financial support for child care.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.147-160
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• 2015

This study analyzed the differences in adjustment and family environments of adolescents from three different family structures, using the KCYPS panel 4th wave data from first graders in middle schools. The participants of the study consisted of 1,715 adolescents in two-parent families, 79 adolescents in single-father families, and 113 adolescents in single-mother families. The data were analyzed by means of descriptive statistics and ANCOVAs. The findings of this study indicated that adolescents in two-parent families showed a lower level of physical symptoms than those in single-mother families and a lower level of participation in classwork than those in single-father families whereas adolescents in single-father families were more likely to be involved in delinquency than those from the other two family structures. In addition, significant differences were found in family environments including parents' physical health and life satisfaction, family economic status, parenting behaviors, and parents' absence at home after school. Parents in single-mother and single-father families were less healthy physically, showed lower levels of life satisfaction, reported less income, and spent less money for their children, compared to those in two-parent families. With regard to parenting behaviors, single fathers tended to be less warm toward and neglected their children more than single mothers and parents in two-parent families. Adolescents in single-father families were most likely to be left alone at home after school, followed by those in single-mother and two-parent families. The results suggested that specific attention needs to be paid to adolescents from single-father families in order to support their adjustment.