• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.60-71
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• 1976

The author reviewed the medical records of 96 typhoid fever patients who were diagnosed, admitted, and treated at Sea grave Memorial Hospital from January 1 , 1973 through August 31, 1975. Diagnosis was determined by clinical observation, aerology and bacteriology, eighty patients were treated medically, the remaining 16 patients required surgical intervention. The following results were obtained: 1) The age distribution of the patients revealed that 33.3% wert between 10 and 19 years old 21.9% were between 20 and 29, and 19.8% were between 30 and 39. The majority of patients were from these more active age groups. Male to female sex ratio was 1.3 : 1 2) Seasonal distribution was observed. Most illness occurred in the summer and autumn month 5. 3) 84. 3%of the patients came from farm families. 4) Duration between onset and admission averaged 16.0 days. The group without compilations was admitted after an average of 15. 1 days; The group with complications was ad-matted after an average of 19.4 days. 5) Methods of treatment before admission were as follows: 10.4% at medical clinics, 61, 5% at pharmacies (antibiotics 47.9%, other. drugs 13.5%), 7.3% by herb medications, 20.8% had no treatment. 6) Main clinical symptoms were as follows: fever 93.8%, headache 47.9%, abdominal pain 47.9%, chills 38.5%, cough 36.5%, general weakness 26.0%, nausea e vomiting 24.0% and generalized pain 21.9%. 7) Temperature of patients on admission: 22.9% were 39f or more, 67.6% were between 37℃ and 38℃, and 9.4% were 37℃ or less. 8) Occurrence of intensional bleeding after onset of disease averaged 9.3 days; perforation occurred at an average of 19. 1 days. 9) Interval between onset of major complication and surgical intervention averaged 2.8 days. 10) Among the 68 patients who underwent the bacteriological test the positive rate was 44.1% (30). The positive ,ales to, each separate culture method were as follows: 20.4% in the blood culture, 40.4% in the stool culture and 6.7% in the urine culture. Among these bacteriological positive patients 15 patients had a negative results or less than 160 titer of vidal reaction. 11) The initial vidal test of the total group showed a counts of 160 titer or more in 60.4% and less than 160 titer in 39.6%, 12) W. B. C. Counts in the uncomplicated group indicated that 32.5% were 6,000/㎣ or less, 47.5% were between 6,000 and 10,000, arid 20.0% were 10,000/㎣ or more. In the complicated group, 37.6% were 6,000/㎣ or less, 25,0% were 6,000-10,000/㎣ and 37.6% were 10,000/㎣ or more. 13) Duration of hospital stay of the patients averaged 6.4 days in the uncomplicated group and 12.7 days in the complicated group. 14) Subdiaphragmatic free air simple X-ray was found in 91.7% of the perforated cases. 15) Duration of antibiotic therapy until an febrile state was attained averaged 4.8 days in the uncomplicated group and 6.5 days in the complicated group. 16) Operative procedures were as follows: one layer simple closure of their perforation with or without debasement in 56.3%, drainage only in 6.3%, small bowel resection with primary anastomosis in 18.8% , externalization in 6.3%, cholecystectomy in 6.3%, The clinical findings of this study suggest the following recommendations. According to Top's report; 1% of typhoid fever patients treated with chlorarnphenicol and 2% of patients treated with other drugs become chronic carriers. Therefore, importance should be given to the strict control of these carriers. Immunization, improvement of sanitation and living standards are all needed for the prevention and treatment of disease, but a more serious problem is a lack of knowledge on the part of patients and their families. Thus it is most urgent to enlighten the citizens about the transmission and hygiene related to contagious disease. Legal restriction of sale of antibiotics at drug stores without a physician's prescription is an urgent matter for public health administrators. An even more important nursing responsibility is the reemphasis on health education both in the clinical setting and in the home.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.177-186
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• 2009

In the flora of the whole area of Jakeundang at Byeonsanbando National Park, a total of 105 taxa were identified including 50 families, 88 genera, 98 species, 6 varieties and 1 form. These were again divided into 31 taxa (29.5%) of woody plants and 74 taxa (70.5%) of herbaceous plants. In addition, 4 taxa of the Korea Forest Service, designated rare plants in the flora were identified to grow there including Phacelurus latifolius (Preservation priority order: No. 194), Aristolochia contorta (No. 151), Koelreuteria paniculata (No. 115), and Glehnia littoralis (No. 203). Indigofera koreana, Viola seoulensis that are on the list of Korean endemic plants were also identified and the plants approved for export were identified similarly to rare plants. In addition, among the floral region-based specific plants, the plant group belonging to class V, class IV and II didn't appear and a total of 16 taxa 3 taxa including Elymus mollis, Salsola collina and Koelreuteria paniculata in class III, and 13 taxa including Ischaemum anthephephoroides, Phacelurus latifolius, Asparagus cochinchinensis, Melandryum oldhamianum for. roseum, Calystegia soldanella, Messerschmidia sibirica, Scutellaria strigillosa and Aster spathulifolius, etc. in class I were identified. Among the naturalized plants in the surveyed sites, 6 families, 10 genera, and 10 taxa were identified to grow, such as Bromus unioloides, Phytolacca americana, Lepidium apetalum, Robinia pseudoacacia, Oenothera biennis and Xanthium canadense, etc. and the naturalization rate was analyzed to be 9.5% of all 105 taxa of vascular plants. This research analyzed the coverage ratio and importance value by dividing the community into a sand dunes and back swamp and divided the sand dune area into Vitex rotundifolia community and the back swamp into Phacelurus latifolius community. Jakeundang is designated as a sand dune plants observation area and managed by the office of Byeonsanbando National Park. To preserve this place, it is desirable to take a systematic management measure, such as a visit to this place on a subscription basis or education and publicity on sand dune plants.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.623-634
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• 1994

Although the average menopausal age has not changed, women's life span has increased. Today's women live longer after their menopause than those in the past, and this calls for attention in both nursing and medical fields. Many studies have revealed how women reacted to menopause and suffered from it. But they did not discriminate the menopausal meaning and effects from the climacteric phenomena. So, this author tried to clarify what menopause itself meant to the climacteric women, by means of grounded theory methodology. The interviewees were 21 women, whose ages were between 46 and 60 years. They were selected by theoretical sampling technique, and the author tried to include all levels of important variables such as age, educational background, religion and job. Data were collected by the author through in -depth interviews and observations in July, 1994. The interviews were mostly done in the homes of the subjects, or in some cases at the author's office or in a hospital. Interviews took from 30 minutes to 2 hours. Interviews were tape recorded and transcribed later by a research assistant. Data were analyzed as gathered, by the constant comparative method proposed by Strauss and Corbin. Eleven concepts were discovered from the data, and they were grouped under six higher order categories. These six categories were "to give menopause a meaning", "to experience value change", "to have self-help strategies", "to have no strategies", "to live a life worth living", "to have a sense of powerlessness" Among these "to experionce value change" was . selected as the core category. Five major categories were systematically integrated around the core category. Women's adaptation to menopause was defined as proceeding as follows : Most women felt relief and sorrow at the same time when they faced menopause, and some only sorrow or agony. Then, they consulted with others about menopausal symptoms, or tried to think of them by themselves. Finally, they gave menopause a meaning, which was that menopause and its symptoms were natural phenomena. But menopause made women reflect on them-selves and their past lives. As they reflected on themselves, their value on life began to change. As their value changed, some women seeked self help strategies. Those self help strategies were what they had learned from collegues, professionals or mass media. The quality of their lives depended on whether they practiced self help strategies or not. Three types of lives were found. Twelve women enjoyed a life worth living, and practiced the self help strategies, because they accepted menopause a chance to change. They were characterized by a high educational level, having a professional job and a sincere faith in God. Seven women were living as usual, because they did not have the necessity to change. They were high school graduates and house wives. Two women recognized menopause a chance to change, but they did not try self help strategies. Their characteristic was low educational level. Those who did not try self help strategies complained of powerlessness to varying degrees. The educational background, full-time jobs and faith helped women adapt to menopause positively. But social support was not helpful to women's adaptation to menepause. Three hypotheses were derived from the analysis. (1) The higher the educational level, the more theneed to change. (2) Women with higher educational background will practice self help strategies more than those with lower edcational background. (3) The more women practice self help strategies, the worthier lives they will live. Suggestions for further studies are as follows. (1) Studies to test hypotheses are needed. (2) A study to find the relationship between the degree of practicing self help strategies and locus of control. (3) Spiritual approaches would better be applied to help menopausal women. (4) Education through mass media should be given mere frequently.

• The Journal of Engineering Geology
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.65-77
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• 2011

Hydrochemical and carbon isotopic (${\delta}^{13}C_{DIC}$) analyses of 11 water samples, and noble gas isotopic analyses of 8 water samples collected in the Kyeoungbuk and Kangwon areas of Korea were performed to determine their hydrochemical characteristics and to interpret the source of noble gases and $CO_2$ gas in the water. The carbonated mineral waters are weakly acidic (PH = 5.59-6.04), and electrical conductivity ranges from 302 to $864\;{\mu}S/cm$. The chemical composition of all the water samples is Ca-$HCO_3$ type. The high contents of Fe and Mn exceed the safe limits for drinking water. The ${\delta}^{13}C_{DIC}$ values of the samples range from -5.30‰ to -2.84‰, indicating that the carbon is supplied mainly from a deep-seated source and to a lesser degree from an inorganic carbonate source. The $^3He/^4He$ ratios of the samples range from $1.51{\times}10^{-6}$ to $6.45{\times}10^{-6}$. The samples plot into three groups on a $^3He/^4He$ versus $^4He/^{20}Ne$ diagram: the deep-seated field (e.g., a mantle source), the atmospheric field, and the air-mantle mixing field. A wide range of $^4He/^{20}Ne$ ratios is observed ($0.036{\times}10^{-6}$ to $1.76{\times}10^{-6}$), indicating that while radiogenic $^4He$ is dominant in these water samples, mantle-origin He is also present. The supply of $CO_2$ gas and noble gases from a deep-seated source to carbonated waters is inferred to be controlled by geological structures such as faults and geological boundaries.

• Journal of Periodontal and Implant Science
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.533-547
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• 1997

In periodontics, much progress was made in the understanding of periodontal disease from 1960s to 1980s and in prevention and management of periodontal disease since the end of 1980s. This presentation will discuss about the prevalence of periodontal disease, treatment need, and provision of periodontal treatment in Korea, and how we could manage the periodontal disease efficiently in the future. According to an epidemiological study in Korea, periodontal disease(including gingivitis) was present in 82% of general population and periodontitis in 30-40% in adult population over 30y and juvenile periodontitis in 0.1% of adolescents. If we consider that at least 17% of these patients may have recurrent or refractory forms, there is obviously an abundance of disease that needs treatment, As a result of increase in life expectancy, senile population over 65 y will be increased from 6% in 1996 to 6.9% in 2000, and tooth retention rate and periodontal treatment need are expected to increase. Periodontists need all the help they can get from the general dentists to control periodontal disease. As for provision, postgraduate course in periodontics started in 1957 in Korea and produced over 700 specialized dentists in periodontics. One report indicated that the periodontists as well as general practitioners did periodontal therapy on only a few periodontal patients, because of specific control by current medical insurance system in Korea. Comprehensive periodontal examination is rarely done in local dental clinic. Therefore, enhancement of periodontal care in medical insurance system and education of simplified periodontal examination such as Periodontal Screening & Recording will make dentists diagnose and manage the management of adult patients is based on the recognition that there are multiple diseases, including gingivitis, chronic adlt periodontitis, and other more aggressive forms of periodontitis, and requires the earliest possible recognition of these three disease categories. In this presentation, we discuss practical approach using PSR to diagnose, manage and refer the patients, to facilitate the separation of the simple from the complex and the predictable from the unpredictable form of periodontal diseases and to integrate diagnostic and therapeutic techniques into private practice today.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.37 no.6
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• pp.729-737
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• 2008

The purposes of this study were to investigate supporting status and subsidy for school food service and to analyze the perception of school food service officials at the educational board on using rice bread to the school food service menu. The questionnaire was developed by content analysis, situation analysis, in-depth interview and checked by the school food service officials at the educational board. The questionnaires were responded by 33 officials (respondent rate: 86.8%) during September 1 to October 26 in 2007. The major findings of this study were as follows: First, most of the respondents were women (93.9%), and worked an average of 104.36 months at school-related work. The metropolitan & provincial office of education had prevalently jurisdiction over 272.3 rural and self-operation type of elementary schools, 115.50 rural and self-operation type of middle schools and 73.0 rural and self-operation type of high schools. In the case of the district office of education, 23.3 urban and self-operation type of elementary schools, 11.6 urban and self-operation type of middle schools and 5.3 urban and contracted type of high schools were averagely managed. Second, all the respondents supported meal cost for low-income group and 50.5% provided reimbursement for organic environmental agricultural products. The highest subsidy was 16.8 billion won as meal cost for low-income group in metropolitan & provincial office and 1,050 million won as labor cost in district office. Third, the experience of performing policies for using rice was relatively lower than perception of rice bread application to school food service menu. Fourth, the advantages of using rice bread were acceleration of consuming rice (32.0%), excellence of nutrition (24.0%) and promotion of healthy image (22.7%). On the other hand, the difficulties of using rice bread were lack of facilities (72.7%), higher cost compared to wheat bread (54.5%), limitation of menu application and cooking method (15.7% each). Fifth, the opinion of utilizing rice and that of applying rice bread were significantly correlated (p<0.001). Desirability and willingness were correlated with reality for applying rice bread to the school food service menu (p<0.001). Also, comparative analysis between divided groups by perception of utilizing rice showed that willingness and experience were significantly different.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.49 no.5
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• pp.335-346
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• 2016

Purpose: This study was conducted to conduct dietary assessment of Korean adults according to intake of Korean soup and stew. Methods: To accomplish this study, 20,926 adults aged 19 yr or higher who participated in the dietary intake survey (24 h recall method) were analyzed from the data of the 2011~2014 Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (KNHANES). The items included in the soup and stew were guk, tang, jjigae, jijimi, and jeongol. Results: Intakes of soup and stew of subjects were divided into quartiles; intake range by quartile was Q1: < 22.96 g, Q2: 22.96~98.75 g, Q3: 98.75~212.23 g, and Q4: $${\geq_-}212.24g$$. In the case of the Q4 group, male, married, employed, higher educated, and high income subjects showed increased intakes of soup and stew. In addition, sodium intake among nutrient intakes increased from 3,849.04 mg in Q1 group to 5,363.57 mg in Q4 group. Intakes of cereals/grains, potatoes/starches, legumes, seeds/nuts, vegetables, mushrooms, fruits, meat, fishes/shell fishes, milks/dairy products, oils/fats, and seasonings among all foods significantly increased from Q1 group to Q4 group. Lastly, in the multivariable regression analysis, male, higher age, married, eating breakfast, consumption of snacks, prepared meals from home/institution, average eating-out frequency per week, energy consumption, and sodium intake related parameters increased intake of Korean soup and stew. Conclusion: Excessive intake of sodium was related to high blood pressure and metabolic syndrome. Thus, there are needs to improve dietary guidelines and nutrition education for balanced intake of soup and stew.

• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.35 no.3 s.99
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• pp.160-171
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• 2002

The impact of summer monsoon on water quality of the lower Nakdong River was evaluated during the summer (June-August) in 1997. Several limnological variables were measured in the interval of $1{\sim}3$ day using an automatic monitoring system (Hydrolab $Recorder^{TM}$) to detect water quality changes caused by rainfall on onehour basis. During the monsoon period (from late June to mid July), 5 times of major rainfall events of >50 mm were recorded in the river basin. Dynamic changes of water quality were observed during the monsoon, and the first rainfall event (June$25{\sim}27$) had a significant influence on the water quality at the lower part of the river. All Parameters were largely changed due to the first rain event, and the changed level was maintained until the end of monsoon period. Nutrient concentrations and turbidity increased and values of the other parameters were declined as a result of water dilution. This rainfall event, Changma, is a meteorological phenomenon caused by the East-Asian monsoon climate. The magnitude and frequency of the rainfall during the early monsoon play an important role in change of water quality and ecosystem characteristics of large river systems.