• Title/Summary/Keyword: ritual process

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A Study of Daesoon Jinrihoe's View of Time (I): Focusing on Time as Measured and Experienced (대순진리회의 시간관 연구 (I) - 측정되고 경험되는 시간을 중심으로 -)

  • Cha Seon-keun
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.48
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2024
  • Time can be the fundamental basis of religious doctrine and the foundation for a life of faith. Therefore, understanding a religion's interpretation of time and exploring its perception is accepted as one of the approaches to comprehending its principles. Based on this idea, this article delves into how chronos (measured time) and kairos (experienced time) are manifested in Daesoon Jinrihoe. In Daesoon Jinrihoe, the moment when chronos and kairos intersect is considered a moment of spiritual experience. Ethical codes are accomplished in the midst of the process of defining this time as the Heavenly Dao and adjusting human affairs accordingly. These ethics lead individuals towards a religious life. East Asian traditions also apply this logic, but Daesoon Jinrihoe differs in that it emphasizes reinterpreted ethics. Furthermore, Daesoon Jinrihoe posits that Degree Numbers (度數) are a device that ensures the transition from chronos to kairos. Degree Numbers, which are both a law of the universe's motion and a function of time, were emphasized by the Kang Jeungsan when he advocated for the discarding of old ways and the creation of the new ways. He thereby urged humans to live in accordance with time. Time is also facilitated in the dimension of ritual observances and participation, with examples including prayers, devotional offerings, and holy works (gongbu, 工夫). Those rituals of Daesoon Jinrihoe actively incorporate a unique basis of reason for this style of engagement with time, which is one of the aspects that is held to secure justification.

A study on animal SHUNJANG in tombs 39 and 63 in Gyo-dong, Changnyeong (창녕 교동 39·63호분 동물순장 연구)

  • KWON Jooyoung;KIM Bosang
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.56-70
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    • 2022
  • Tombs No. 39 and No. 63 in Gyo-dong, Changnyeong, are unique in the Changnyeong area in that they do not have additional burials because they are hoenggu-style tombs with an entrance on the north side. This study tried to understand the nature and meaning of the two separate stone walls at the entrance of the tomb along with the burial process of the tomb. These two stone walls mark small tombs built independently within a large tomb, with stone wall No. 39 stone wall No. 3 (No.39-3) and No. 63 stone wall No. 3 (No. 63-3). Both units are located in the middle of the northern wall of the burial body part and share one wall with the burial body part wall stone. All animal fluids inside the stone wall were identified. In particular, it was estimated that at least three dogs were buried as a result of identification of animal fluids No. 63-3. Above all, these animals have their heads facing outward with their backs to the main occupants, and do not overlap in a limited space and are placed side by side. Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 were created in the process of building the burial body, and although they are independent relics, they form a subordinate relationship in that they were built along the main burial within one tomb. In addition, it is coercive in that it is placed in an orderly manner according to a certain direction in a state that has not been dismantled after killing an animal. Therefore, It is understood to be the SHUNJANG of dogs. Studies on animal fluids excavated from tombs in the Three Kingdoms period are interpreted as animal stewardship, sacrificial collection, and animal sacrifice depending on their location, and this is known as a series of animal sacrifice rites, namely, animal stewardship and sacrifice. This recognition is based on material objectification of animals, such as food or sacrifices. However, Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 are different in that they recognize animals as spiritual beings in the process of funeral rites and are closely related to the ideology that there is life after death. In addition, analysis of the location and directionality of the remains is also required from multiple angles. These two SHUNJANG correspond to the entrance to the tomb, and the location is the most open space at the entrance. The appearance of a dog looking outward, etc., can also be interpreted as the meaning of protecting the tombs and byeoksa. This appearance can be compared with the dog depicted in a mural in a Goguryeo tomb that reflects the ancient world's thought and stone figures excavated from the tomb of King Muryeong of Baekje, and it is also consistent with the meaning of the JINMYOSU protecting the ancient tombs. This suggests that a multifaceted study on animal fluid burial remains is needed in the future.

Actual Experience of the Oracle of the I Ching-Death, God and Love: In Front of My Father's Spirit (주역 점(占)의 실제 체험-죽음, 신 그리고 사랑: 아버지의 영전(靈前)에서)

  • Ju Hyun Lee;Bou-Yong Rhi
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.37 no.2
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    • pp.149-183
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    • 2022
  • The oracle of the I Ching, divination can be understood as 'synchronicity phenomenon' in analytic psychology. In order to experience divination actually, it requires a religious attitude that asks questions with a serious mind when a person is in trouble that consciousness reaches its limit. It is not just a passive attitude, but a modest, active attitude to ask what I can do now. The experience of the oracle of the I Ching connected to supra-consciousness is similar to 'active imagination'-talking with the archetype of collective unconsciousness-and is 'the process of finding the rhythm of Self-archetype, the absolute wisdom of unconsciousness.' One month before my father's death, I took care of him who couldn't communicate verbally and I divination with a question 'What can I do for my father and me now?' The I Ching's answer was hexagram 19 Lin 臨, nine at the beginning. It's message was '咸臨貞吉 joint approach. perseverance brings good fortune.' 志行正也 we must adhere perseveringly to what is right.' Through this phrase, I learned the attitude of waiting for life after death as if 'joyful obedient' to the providence of nature that spring comes after winter. And I found that keeping the touching emotion of meeting infinity (in analytical psychological terms, 'Self') with perseveration is to do the true meaning of life beyond popular money-mindedness. And six months before my father's death, I had a dream about the afterlife. In the process of interpreting that dream, I learned not only from the shock of the direct message that 'it is a truth that there is something after death,' but also the regeneration of the mind through introversion from the similarity between the closed ward and '黃泉'-chinese underworld through amplification. And I learned the importance of an open attitude to accept new things through the 'window to eternity' symbolized by the white iron gate. In my father's catholic funeral ritual, I had hope that the catholic doctrine 'Communio Sanctorum'-A spiral cycle in which the living and the dead help each other may be real as well as a symbol of the individuation process in which consciousness and unconsciousness interact in our minds. Through the consolation received through the funeral visit of many people I met in my life, I found the answer that the path to contact with infinity begins with loving the beings in front of me. I tried to understand this continuous experience by the perspective of analytical psychology.

The discovery of the 'traditional dance' of modern Japan - mainly on Urayasu-no-mai Dance - (일본 근대 '전통춤'의 발견 - 우라야스무(浦安の舞)를 중심으로 -)

  • Nam, Sung-Ho
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.33
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    • pp.243-271
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    • 2016
  • When an aggressive war reached at the climax in 1940, a commemorative event called celebration' was held on a large scale in Japan for 'beginning former 2,600 years. It was performed for the policy that was going to break off the fatigue that was tired for nation dissatisfaction and war for the politics. I considered Urayasu-no-mai Dance played as part of a celebration event in a Shinto shrine of the all over Japan how was created and spread by this article Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created newly and was played in Shinto shrines of the whole country. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created based on Gagaku and Miko Mai (shrine maiden's dance) that has been read aloud not to go out of the ancient times. It was created in the situation of the war and spread and was spread. It will be said that Urayasu Dance is a typical example of 'forged traditional'. Urayasu Dance is a tradition made at modern time and remains for an unfortunate inheritance used again by the advertising tool of the national ideology. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance is expanded more now, without enough consideration about the historic procession other words, It played under a strong-arm society atmosphere is placed as new folk performing arts all too soon. In the complicated world situation at the time, Urayasu-no-mai Dance that emphasized a Japanese tradition for the inside and outside were spread. Urayasu-no-mai Dance created in modern times substitutes a traditional shaman dance, and there is even the tendency that ritual performing arts peculiar to each local Shinto shrine is unified to Urayasu-no-mai Dance. Such a movement shows a new aspect of the culture power that social turning to the right in Japan is not unrelated to becoming it. It is a traditional reinvention, or do you forge the tradition? I examined a process of a process and the spread of traditional creation produced consistently.

A Study on the Meaning of Zelkova serrata as a Medium of Place Memory - Focused on the Natives of the Village and the Migrant of Keangnam Apartment in Dogok-dong - (장소기억의 매개로서 느티나무의 의미 고찰 - 역말 원주민과 도곡동 경남아파트 이주민을 중심으로 -)

  • Hamm, Yeon-Su;Sung, Jong-Sang
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.39 no.3
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    • pp.42-55
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    • 2021
  • This study investigated the memories of the natives and the migrants who had been living with the 760-year-old Zelkova serrata located in the Keangnam Apartment Complex in Dogok 1-dong. Place memory is a newly illuminated concept since the 1980s, and is also used as a new research methodology for studying and recording multi-layered memories left in a place based on feelings and traces of vivid memories. The urban development of Gangnam, which began in the 1970s, quickly changed rural to apartment complexes. The natives of Yeokmal were scattered throughout the country, and new migrants moved in. In the process, zelkova serrata was managed in different ways from time to time, and residents also establish relationship in different ways. Natives used to take a rest in the tree or swing at Dan-o, and recognized it as a place to receive the god during the village ritual. In other words, they shared the entire process of life and death and were given various roles depending on the lives of the residents. It is also a direct experience that was experienced in detail and a place where collective memories of residents are melted. On the other hand, with the construction of Keangnam Apartment, the management of zelkova tree has become stricter, making it impossible for migrants to access. Migrants have come to enjoy zelkova serrata visually, and the annual Yeokmal Traditional Festival makes common memories in the city. In addition, many people personified trees and received mental comfort. In addition, the nature of the old big tree was highlighted in the background of the city, and the symbol of "uniqueness and speciality" was newly formed, which led to the formation of pride and attachment. Through the memories of the two subjects' zelkova tree, we were able to examine the memories of the tree value, and management of protected tree in the city.

The Music Policies of the Kings of Joseon Dynasty - Focus on Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo - (조선 중기 국왕의 음악정책 - 성종·중종·인조를 중심으로 -)

  • Song, Ji-won
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.34
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    • pp.315-353
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    • 2017
  • This study examined the music policies of the three kings, Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo, who were in power for about 200 years from the late 15th century to the early 17th century. These three kings deserve attention in musical history for different reasons. Sungjong published "Gugjooryeui"(1474), "Gyeong-gugdaejeon"(1476), and "Aghaggwebeom"(1493), the typical etiquette books, law books, and musical books that take the most important position in the history of Joseon, so his direction of music policy deserves attention. Jungjong was the king who rose to the throne after there was a revolt against Yeonsangun's tyranny. Injo ascended to the throne by starting a military coup d'etat himself. One may wonder how the aspect of music policies developed by a king, who was crowned by a revolt, is different from other cases. As each of these three kings had different background of enthronement and the contents of music policies in the royal family also developed with different emphasis, this study examined each aspect separately. Sungjong emphasized the importance of music and regarded it important to cultivate officials who know music. To this end, he gave a special order to Yejo(the office of protocol) and this study tried to clarify the contents first. In addition, this study examined the process, contents, and meaning of various modification works related to the revision of the lyrics used in the ceremonies. Jungjong supplemented the institutional aspects of music. This is the result of expressing the will to correct the anomalous and reckless music policies of the period of Yeonsangun. In addition, many words in the lyrics had been about Buddhist doctrines and love songs between male and female, so there were efforts to reform these. As for the period of Injo, this study examined the music policies that were made in the process of resolving the crisis after the war. It was a time when court musicians were scattered after two times of war and it was not possible to hold the national ritual properly, so music policies in this period were different from the ones in stable era. This study covered discussions on the measures to collect lost instruments and scattered musicians. It also looked at how the restoration effort was made in the situation that the music used in ancestral rites was abolished.

A Study on the Traditional Costumes and Tattoo of the Maori (마오리族 傳統 服飾과 文身 考察)

  • 황춘섭;정현주
    • The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.241-260
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    • 1995
  • The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

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Development of Wholistic Hospice Nursing Intervention Program for In-patient of Hospice Palliative Care Unit (병동형 호스피스 대상자를 위한 전인적 호스피스 간호중재 프로그램의 개발)

  • Kang, Eun-Sil;Choi, Sung-Eun;Kang, Sung-Nyun
    • Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.29-45
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    • 2007
  • People in the end of life and their families suffer in their physical disease and other aspects as a whole person. They need hospice care to palliate their total suffering in physical, emotional, social and also spiritual aspect through professional hospice team. To care their whole personal needs, hospice team must be a multi-discipline team which consists of medical doctors, nurses, social workers, pastors and volunteers. Recently those who die in hospice palliative care unit have trend to increase more than in home year by year. So it is necessary to develop the nursing intervention program to be performed by multi-discipline team approach for in-patient of hospice palliative care unit. The purposes of this study were to develop of wholistic hospice nursing intervention program for inpatient of hospice palliative care unit. The subjects of study were collected from 30 patients those who were over 18 years old and admitted in hospice palliative care unit of S hospital in P city with agreement in hospice palliative care in their terminal disease. The period of data collection was from December 15, 2003 to March 15, 2004. The result were as follows : 1. The result of Wholistic Hospice Nursing Program's development was as follow : A Wholistic Hospice Nursing Program was developed by me in this study is one of the service program for hospice palliative care unit. It was named as ‘Rainbow Program’ to be approached easily by hospice patients. The purposes of it are to improve the quality of life of the terminal patients with their dignity, to help them live in abundant and meaningful in their lives, to care them in peaceful in dying process with understanding them in whole personal, and also to palliate the grief and suffering of the bereaved. It was provided by hospice professionals(nurses, medical doctors, social worker, pastors, art therapists) and volunteers those who were educated in hospice for multi-diciplinary team approach to collaborate with each role play I 20-30 minuters of each through visiting their rooms individually and a place of hospice palliative care unit of S hospital in P city. The subjects of it were the terminal patients those who admitted hospice palliative care unit and their familes. with agreement in hospice palliative care in their terminal disease. The characteristics of it were multi-disciplinary team approach, whole personal care, individual care and total care according to their needs in their condition. The contents of it were pain control, symptom control, counseling patient, counseling family, hair cutting, hair shampooing, bed bath, recreation, taking a walk, event of culture(screen, recital, festival of praises, exhibition and so on), pastoral counseling, ritual service in bed, praying, service in bed, sing a worship praise, listening to the music, sharing remembrance of life, individual visiting music service(sing and praying), meditation Bible, art therapies(dance and drawing), social worker's counselling, confessing and sharing love and thanksgiving. The experimental group subjects participated in Wholistic Hospice Nursing Program which takes 120 minutes per session, total 10 sessions(total 1,200 minutes) altogether. In conclusion, this Wholistic Hospice Nursing Intervention can be used actively for whole personal well-being of the patients in hospice palliative in hospice palliative care unit and also applied in hospice practice as an useful model of multi-disciplinary team approach by hospice professionals.

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Studies on the Spacial Compositions and the Characteristics of the Alter System at Daebodan in the Changdeok Palace (창덕궁 대보단(大報壇)의 공간구성과 단제(壇制) 특성에 관한 고찰)

  • Jung, Woo Jin;Sim, Woo Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.318-345
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    • 2013
  • This study was carried out with a focus on the factor on the periodical space organization of Daebodan (大報壇: the altar of great recompense) in Changdeok Palace, which is significant in terms of political history in the late Chosun Dynasty, and consider the factors in the formation of the structural system through historical records and drawings. Daebodan has the ideology of righteousness to the Ming Dynasty which the hierarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. who felt the crisis of the domination order, imposed as a solution after the Manchu war of 1636. In addition, Daebodan was built by complex factors that entailed the self-esteem of the 'Joseon Centralism Ideology (朝鮮中華)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven that were imminent to the kings of Joseon. Superficially, Daebodan has the spatial organization of the Sajik (社稷) Altar and the placement of an annex building, but had the applied placement due to limited topography and access to the backyard. Furthermore, the lateral structure of Daebodan multiply accepted various factors of the nine step's stairs, the hight of five cheok (尺), the circumstance of two floors that were showed in the altar and platform with small fences and an imperial order including the internal form of Hwangjangbang (黃帳房). Moreover, the name of the alter came from 'the Jiaote Sheng Book of Rites(禮記 郊特牲)' representing 'the suburban sacrifice ritual for Heaven (郊天)', and it was built by not only combining the system of the Sajik Altar in the Joseon Dynasty and China but also avoiding 'excessive etiquette (僭禮).' The point is a remarkable feature shown by the structural system of Daebodan. Thus, it is considered that the 'Notion of Confucian-Cultural Succession (中華繼承意識)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven were expressed by the structure and form of altar. This study examined the process of the creation, expansion, decline and disposal of Daebodan in a chronological order, and found that the ruling ideology of the governing elite by the political and cultural background of the era at each transitional point was reflected in the spatial formation of the altar. On the other hand, as a result of performing a field survey to find the location in accordance with Daebodan in drawing materials, there remains items such as worked stones from Daebodan, precast pavers and fragments of proof tile discovered in the surrounding of tora vine (Actinidia arguta) which is a natural monument of Changdeok Palace. As such, verification through future excavation and investigation is required.

Daesoonjinrihoe from both Superficial Religious Perspectives and Deep Religious Perspectives : Focused on Religious Experience (표층과 심층의 시각에서 바라본 대순진리회 - 종교적 경험의 관점에서 -)

  • Lee, Eun-hui
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.27
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    • pp.245-282
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    • 2016
  • Currently, the whole world is being swept away by spiritual movements seeking divinity in oneself. Yet there are terror attacks, religious disputes and other conflicts continuously taking place on larger and larger scales as well as expanding further and further throughout the world. Interreligious harmony seems like a distant ideal. What is the ultimate cause of religious conflicts? Is interreligious communication truly that difficult? Even among different cultures, said cultures' varieties of ritual expressions, and various religious doctrines, there are points of general common to be appreciated if a deep perspective is adopted. When we find the common ground and understand each other's difference, it will be easier to communicate since everyone will be learning from each other. What could serve as common ground for different religions? Many scholars speak about the state of 'oneness' that is claimed by mysticism throughout a large array of religions. This state of oneness is typically not achieved overnight, but it serves as a prospective state which is pluralistically inclusive. This "religion of enlightenment" emphasizes the process of reaching comprehensive interreligious agreement would be characterized by a deep religious perspective. If superficial religious perspectives focuses only on faith to attain blessings and engage in blind belief, then, by contrast, deep religious perspectives emphasize inner divinity, the true self, orthe higher self. The words, 'superficial religious perspective' and 'deep religious perspective' were defined for personal convenience by O Gang-nam, a scholar of comparative religion. Consequently, this classification is a relative binary concept lacking hard and fast rules with regards to distinctions. But the concept of superficial religious perspectives and deep religious perspectives has its advantage in allowing clearer and easier discussion about religions because it could embrace all aspects of religious life and the development of various religious sentiment. In this way, the terms surface religious perspectives and deep religious perspectives will be used in limited framework. I both borrow this concept and reconsider it by referring to other scholars' methods of classification. From that point, I explore and these views in relation to religious experience. How does religiosity develop, maturity of religious faith take place, deep awareness of truth reveal itself, or an attitude of open-mindedness arise? After these states are realized, is interreligious agreement possible? Most religious studies scholars point out 'religious experience.' They say people could develop their faith from superficial religious beliefs into a more mature and deeper faith through religious experience while continuously aspiring towards enlightenment and practicing their religion in daily life. This study will try to examine aspects of superficial religious perspectives and deep religious perspectives represented in each religion and also explore criticism of each religion. With this view of superficial religious perspectives and deep religious perspectives, some cases documenting the religious experience of Daesoonjinrihoe disciples will be analyzed to see how their religiosity develops from superficial religious perspectives into deep religious perspectives through certain religious experiences. The characteristics of those experiences will also be investigated.