• Journal of the Korean housing association
• /
• v.3 no.2
• /
• pp.1-11
• /
• 1992

Dwelling house is not only simple shelter but the space involves symbolic feature of myth, religion and ritual. Through this study, compared the Shamanistic ritual space with that of Confucianism in the traditional dwelling houses in korea. The results are as follows: 1) Generally, the symbolism of 'Enthusiasm of Universe' and 'Central Idea' are similar, but 'the object of worship', 'the content of ritual' and 'background' are different. The Shamanistic ritual space is 'Sacred space'. and that of Confucialism is 'respect Space'. 2) As the character of space, Shamanistic ritual space is 'articulated space' and have tendency to seperate from the world. On the other hand, Confucion ritual space is integrated space and have tendency to extend by the feature and scale of the ritual. 3) Examing the supervisor of ritual, woman(housewife) is the center of shamanistic ritual space and man(house holder) is the center of Confucion ritual space.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
• /
• v.25 no.4
• /
• pp.549-564
• /
• 2015

This study was conducted on the head family house of Panseogong coterie of Andong Kwon clans in Daksil village, Bongwha gun, Kyungbuk: historical sources survey and field visit over four rounds were conducted from March to June 2014. In-depth interview, storytelling, and nutrition facts were used as methods of research using 49 participants, and the potentials of trend goods were the main purpose of this research. The specialties of bongwha prefecture in the Chosun Dynasty were pine nut, manna lichen, ginseng, sweetfish, and wild honey. Ritual food bulcheonwi's offerings a feature in Choongjae Kwonbeol's head family - were sacred wine, me, gang, otang, myun, myunjeok, pyunjeok, pyunchung, pyun, po, chungpomook, dojeok, sookchae, ssam, chimchai, sikhye, chogwa, silgwa, soojunggwa, etc. The ritual foods of bulcheonwi's head family house Choongjae Kwonbeol were commercialized through storytelling. Choongjae Kwonbeol's ritual ceremonies, recognized for their national royalty, were reorganized as the traditional Korean table settings, so that the Korean people could easily access them. The special meal called "Geumgyeporansang" represented the head family house foods' essence to share and serve others through the Dacshil village's natural beauty, Bonghwa's local ingredients, and festivities after the "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals. The ritual foods called "Cheongamjungsang", utilizing "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals, were represented in the form of a lunch box: such foods illustrate the classical scholar's mindset that enjoys the nature and arts through education and virtue.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.43 no.4
• /
• pp.4-23
• /
• 2010

Danggol, in other words the hereditary shaman, is a person who is performing the Gut(the Korean shamanistic ritual) as the job but fortuneteller simply tells someone's fortunes. Nowadays most of fortunetellers think their works are wholly managed the Gut as the holy jobs. But Generally this kinds of jobs, we think it is lower than ordinary people's level of education in the korea. Actually we can meet eleven fortunetellers who have a college diploma out of them, so we can know that their education's level is increasing gradually. On the other hand a house of fortunetellers is the place where can lead the way of our lives in the method of seeing one's past life or making predictions of someone's coming events etc. Gradually this place seems to be separated with a private home, so the most of them is managing as the monthly rent. Consequently this houses are heavily located at the Gyerim five-way crossing, the Yang-dong Dakjeonmeory street, Jungheung-dong local culture street area. Each fortunetellers have the different ways of fortune-telling because this methods are decided by their one's characters. So their fortune-telling time and its time required for a task is far different. The methods of telling it is very much different in accordance with the learning fortuneteller or spiritualistic fortuneteller. But the process of fortune-telling is common like as a preparatory stage, carrying a Jumsa(fortune-telling) stage and acting by a Jumsa stage. These steps are sequential but linked together. There are six special features of fortune-telling culture in Gwang-Ju. 1. The role of a fortuneteller and Bosal(spirit-descended shaman) runs at the same time. 2. The house of fortune-telling is doing Gutdang(ritual house)'s works. 3. Its location are heavily collectivized at the specific districts. 4. The learning fortuneteller are increasing gradually. 5. The youth are growing use in the fortune-telling house. 6. There are many person that are visiting this house because of individual problems not their family's problems.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.11 no.1 s.29
• /
• pp.65-84
• /
• 2002

This study has main purpose to understand and interpret the house Nok-U-dang, an upper class built in Chosun dynasty, not by outsider researcher's view but insider dweller's view. To interpret correctly, dweller's everyday life in the space and form is examined on a microscale beyond the physical space and form of the house, main object of architectural history To understand the present form exactly, the study restore traditional life in past era, 1940s. Main method of restoration is the ethnographic interview, based on cultural anthropology. Like any other upper-class house, the house has been influenced under ruling Confucian ideology in Chosun dynasty: separation of man's and woman's quarters and hierachical arrangement by generation, and worshipping ceremony for ancestor. However, it is by practical management for agricultural production that every court and building of the Noku-Dang can be explained correctly; preparing seed for sowing, tool storing, preparing and serving meal for laborers, making manure, harvesting, threshing grain, storing grain and so on. Precedent studies interpreted the house by the Confucian principle too much and made conclusion of dignity and austerity of ritual: woman's quarter, is closed and serene space. However this study shows that the space is semi-opened and composite space by agricultural works. And the Sarangchae, master's quarter, is located properly at visual center to control every agricultural activity.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.25 no.4
• /
• pp.31-44
• /
• 2016

Geum'yeok-dang house in Andong was originally constructed in 1558. The original floor plan of the upper base featured a 90-degree tilted '日' shape, and had inner court(內庭) on each side of 'Jungdang(中堂, center hall)' building that was placed on the south-north axis. When designing the building, the Neo-Confucian client of Geum'yeok-dang applied his understanding of how Ga'rye("家禮") defined the structure of ritual space. Consequently, 'Daecheong(大廳)', the place where guests were greeted and ancestral rites and coming of age ceremonies for male were held, was built in a protruding fashion. 'Jungdang'[otherwise known as 'Jeongchim(正寢)'], where coming of age ceremonies for females were held, the master of the house faced death, and memorials for close ancestors were held, was placed at the center of the residence on the south-north axis. The Geum'yeok-dang today was greatly renovated in the early and mid 18th century, due to the spread of 'Ondol' heating system. As the Ondol heating system became popular, the pre-existing drawbacks and the inconvenience of the house stood out clearly. As a result, the house was renovated into today's structure consisting of '口' shape 'Anchae' and 'Daecheongchae' in separate building.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.40
• /
• pp.307-341
• /
• 2020

In the past, each villages of ULSAN had their own SUNGHWANGDANGs. Village folks held an annual ritual for a ghost called GOLMAEGI. That ritual, which was a form of festival supervised by the village community, was the opening of seasonal customs. People called the ritual JISINBOPKI. It was a type of NONGAK in which musicals and dramatic factors made a harmony. Usually its lyrics were called 'SUNGJUPURI'or 'JISINBOPKI' song. At that moment, villagers, thumping on the ground with their feet, danced 'DUTBEKI' to awake the sleeping ghost SUNGJUJISIN. After this ritual, the music band started to visit people's house after house around the town playing PUNGMUL NOLI which consisted of SOGO NORUM, JAPSACK NORUM. The whole proceeding of these performances did not have a definite name. Villagers prayed to SUNGJUJISIN for the prevention of bad luck in their home. This study have arranged the type of MAEGUCHIGI, which is a kind of wishing NONGAK, on the basis of two preceding primary documents. And the other is about JISINBOPKI of ULSAN district that was shown in ULSAN YUSA written by a local historian, KIM SUKBO, of ULSAN. The process of arrangement is as follows. At first, considering the implication of this NONGAK, the definite title of it was designated as ULSAN MAEGUCHIGI. And then, it was given its genre and type within NONGAK.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.57
• /
• pp.57-90
• /
• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Journal of the Korea Furniture Society
• /
• v.21 no.5
• /
• pp.424-431
• /
• 2010

Yungneung is the royal tomb of King Jangjo (the Crown Prince Sado, 1735~1762) and his wife, Hyegyeonggung-the Lady Hong (1735~1815). King Jangjo was the second son of the 21st King Yeongjo of the Joseon Dynasty. The tomb of King Jangjo was originally established at Yangju near Seoul in 1762 and moved to Whaseong near Suwon in 1789. We examined tree-ring (dendrochronological) dates of Jeongjagak, the ceremonial hall and Bigak, the tombstone house of Yungneung. We obtained tree-ring dates of 54 wood elements. The dates of bark rings were A.D. 1785, 1786, and 1787 with completed latewoods. These tree-ring dates were well matched with the historically recorded date of two buildings, A.D. 1789 when two or three year-storage after cutting logs was considered. The results indicated that the present buildings of Yungneung was built when the royal tomb of King Jangjo was moved from Yangju to Suwon. A historical record about the construction of Yungneung, 'Hyeonyungwon-eugye' confirmed the majority of woods was moved from 'Manrichang', an official storage office in Seoul through Han river and Yellow Sea to Suwon.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.21 no.1
• /
• pp.83-98
• /
• 2012

The starting point of this study is the concerning of simple behavioral pattern that whoever enters the inner space with taking off his shoes should go out from the position where he laid his shoes. The using of Ondol (floor heating room) and Maru (lifted wood floor) had changed the architectural space from chair-sitting to floor-sitting space, and it also made the behavior of taking off the shoes at the entrance of building and stepping on the lifted floor. This simple behavior has possibility to make lots of changes to the culture of architectural design. With this noticeable point, this paper is talking about the cultural feature of Korean traditional architecture, especially about the influence of tanking off and putting on shoes. The matter of shoes has changed diverse aspects of building and layout planning. It maximized the difference between front and rear part of building and characterized the lateral extension of Korean traditional house. The ritual space also had evolved from chair-sitting to floor-sitting space according to the type of ritual behavioral pattern. The change on the single building level had influenced on the layout planning of architectural complex. For examples, the parallel layout of ChangDeok-gung palace and the long sequential process to the main pavilion of Buddhist temple are the result of the matter of shoes. And NuGak(樓閣), the double-storied pavilion, on the axis of entering sequence's node is one of the unique planning elements that makes possible to go through the building without taking off the shoes and also makes upper level space for staying. In short, Korean traditional architecture that has the chair-sitting spatial origin of the East Asian cultural sphere has pursued new architectural issues and planning methods according to evolution to the floor-sitting culture.

• Journal of the Korea Furniture Society
• /
• v.23 no.2
• /
• pp.222-228
• /
• 2012

Seonreung is the tomb of Seong-jong (A.D. 1457~1494), the 9th king of Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) and his second queen Jeonghyeon-wanghu (1462~1530). We obtained dendrochronological dates of Jeongjagak (ceremonial hall) of Seonreung. It was known first built in 1495 and reconstructed in October 1706, We obtained tree-ring dates of 20 wood elements (beams, pillars, truss posts, cant strips, roof boards and roof loaders). Their outermost rings were dated from 1630 to 1705. The dates of bark rings in four elements were A.D. 1705 with completed latewoods, indicating that these woods were cut some time between the autumn of 1705 and spring of 1706. The results confirmed the reconstruction date Jeongjagak of Seonreung in 1706, suggesting that there was not so long period for wood drying or storage, i.e., less than 6 months. The dates of outermost rings prior to 1705 in other elements indicated that some outer rings of these elements were removed during wood processing. Tree-ring dating proved that the present Jeongjagak of Seonreung had been well preserved for more than 300 years.