• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.42-54
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• 2012

Since people have set up their lives in the Jirisan(Mt. Jiri) for a long time, there are various historical remains and religious and livehood landscape left. Jirisan has been a sacred ground and the base of livelihood and culture, with both of which Jirisan provides a new concept of a mountainous cultural landscape. Jirisan has long been resided there while hallowing it as a spiritual mother mountain. Various historical remains including mountain fortresses from the period of the Three States and ancient tombs from the Gaya age are left in Jirisan. Namakje which is a religious ritual for the mountain spirit has been conducted until today. Numerous cultural heritages have been preserved in Buddhist temples. The continuously prevalent Buddhism in Korea has helped maintaining the living cultural tradition of Jirisan. In addition, Jirisan has various extraordinary features including history, religion, culture, livelihood forms its own mosaic landscape.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.1-10
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• 2011

Rice alcoholic beverages, cheongju and beopju, which are recorded in "Koryodokyung", "Koryosageolyo", and "Koryosa", were used in national and royal ceremonies, and yakju was used in the Palgwanhoi ritual. In the late $11^{th}$century, King Munjong imported hwaju and haenginjabeopju from the royal family of the Song Dynasty. Alcoholic beverages in the early $12^{th}$century included the medical use for kings, such as gyehyangeoju, which the Emperor of the Song Dynasty sent to King Yejong, baekjainju, which was sent to King Myeongjong for his health, and yangju, which is goat milk fermented alcohol from the nomads in the northern regions. In the early$13^{th}$ century there was also dongrak, which is a horse-milk fermented alcohol, grape wine sent from Yuan to King Chungryeol in the late $13^{th}$ century, and sangjonju, a type of special cheongju sent from Yuan in the early $14^{th}$ century. Baekju from Yuan was recorded in oral traditions, which suggests that soju, which is distilled cheongju, was consumed in the late $14^{th}$ century. Gold and silver wares for alcoholic beverages had important political, social, and economic meanings as national gifts to other countries and internally as the king's royal gift to his subjects. In the late $14^{th}$ century, soju was prohibited, and the use of gold and silver wares for alcoholic beverages was banned at the same time. This study examined the historical characteristics of the use of traditional rice alcoholic beverages, the emotional preference for foreign alcoholic beverages, and the gold and silver wares used for alcoholic beverages Koryo Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.488-498
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• 2014

The research aimed to provide accurate and basic data comparing different perceptions of head family's food and food for religious ceremonies depending on age with the goal of sustaining traditional Korean food in the future. The gender distribution of the participants was 274 Males (42.5%) and 370 Females (57.5%). Age distribution was 211 participants (32.7%) in their 20s, 215 participants (33.3%) in their 30 to 40s, and 220 participants (34%) in their 50 to 60s. The older generation appeared to beaware of the definition of head family or 'The eldest's house of head family' as well as the concept of one's family five generations ago with more reductive and emphasis than imaginary concept of head family of the younger generation. The image of the head family was perceived as 'head family's food' in younger generations and as 'eldest son' in older generations. Family role and meaning most often manifested as 'succession of tradition' and 'cultural symbols' in younger generations, respectively, whereas older generations responded 'hallmark of the head family'. Family ancestral rites and head family's food had positive effects on awareness of head family's food. Moreover, those with experience in practicing family ancestral rites responded that head family's food should be more popular. People who viewed family's food more positively were more open with the idea thathead family's food could go mainstream. In conclusion, positive perception of head family's food and traditional pride are crucial environmental factors in public support of popularizing head family's food to the public.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.325-338
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• 2016

The objective of this study was to review Dasik's recipe of Jong-Ga in the Gyeongbuk area. Main methods of this study were literature review and in-depth interview. To study the historical transition of traditional Dasik, analysis of 11 cooking books from the 1400's to 1800's was carried out. Jong-Ga was made using Dasik and main ingredients were Songhwa, Kka and Kong Dasik. Special Dasik was in nine of Jong-Ga (Ipjae's head family of Pungyang Jo's clan, Sojea head family Gwangju No's clan, Sawoodang head family Uiseong Kim's clan, Heobaekdang's head family of Bukye Hong's clan, Taechon's head family of Gyeseong Go's clan, Gwiam's head family of Gwangju Lee's clan, Songdang's head family of Milyang Park's clan, Haeweol's head family of Pyeonghae Hwang's clan, Galyam's head family of Jaeryoung Lee's clan) and Dasik are Gamphi dasik, Heukimja dasik, Baksulgi dasik, Tibap dasik, Daechu dasik, Yukpo dasik, Misutgaru dasik, Dotori dasik and Omija Dasik. It was used as a ritual food and reception food for guests. These recipes are good examples of functional and modern of Korean food. In the future, Dasik as well as discovery of ingredients in other foods of Jong-Ga are needed

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.111-120
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• 2012

Indonesia has a wealth of traditional textiles that are spread in every corner of its region, each of them has its own characteristics and uniquennes. Among the diversity of decorative and techniques used, there are also peculiarities arising from the coloring techniques, that is staining with natural dyes. The existence and the authenticity of the coloring techniques are still retained in some places in Indonesia until today. Generally, these societies make the fabric-making process as part of the ritual beliefs. One of which are the societies in Tenganan, Bali, an area in Bali which always use fabric as an important part in every traditional ceremony. The fabrics is known by the name Geringsing. The typically color which shown and also the sacred values that accompany make Geringsing a very special woven fabric and cannot be found in other areas. This is one of the local geniuses that need to be preserved. In addition to its unique techniques and special materials, Geringsing woven also keeps its myth and its philosophy. The emersion of Geringsing woven closely related to the community trust in God Indra as the main protector deity. The necessary initial process of making Geringsing is holding special ceremony attended by various circles of Tenganan village society. People in Tenganan believe that Geringsing is a precious heritage avoiding all diseases and disorders of evil spirits.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.381-389
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• 2021

Maogusi dance is an ancient ritual dance of the Tujia, a Chinese ethnic minority living in the remote region of the western Hunan Province of China. With characters, dialogues, simple story plots and unique performance procedures, it expresses ancient people's devout worship of nature, totems, ancestors, and reproduction in the uncivilized age. With the advancement of human civilization and the opening to the outside world, many dances of the ethnic minority gradually have faded out, while the Maogusi dance is still popular among the Tujia people and its spiritual symbols have been passed on through the generations. It is recognized by experts in dance and drama circles as the original source of Chinese dance and drama. From the perspectives of philosophy, religion, anthropology and folklore, this paper tries to remove the mysterious veil covering the Maogusi dance of the Tujia to explain how its ancient spiritual symbols have survived and why the original ecological consciousness has been preserved. These aims would help in understanding the deep connotation of this ancient Chinese art with its long history and profound culture.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.261-295
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• 2012

In the past, 'Samcheong-Dong'(三淸洞) was the most beautiful place in Seoul. So this place appealed to everyone. Regardless of their position, people of all age and both sexes wanted to go Samcheong-Dong. And in Samcheong-Dong, the temple of Taoism(道敎) that named Sokeokseou(昭格署) hold ritual to Heaven. Many poets wrote poem about this temple. As a result, Samcheong-Dong has the aura of the sacred mood. Because of the breathtaking landscapes, many people meet in Samcheong-Dong, and hold the poetry club. Not only the upper ten, but also the middle class people composed poems and published many books of poem. The image of Samcheng-Dong that our contemporaries must remember is the next three distinctive qualities. In the first, the Korean unique temple of Taoism was located in Samcheong-Dong. Secondly, the house of royal family and the upper ten was adjacent to Samcheong-Dong, so this place has the aura of high culture. Thirdly, many poem was created in Samcheong-Dong, so this place leave a masterpiece of middle class that will go down in literary history.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.381-403
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• 2021

Cheonsubara Dance is one of the most important ceremonies in Buddhist rituals. This paper is a study on principles of Cheonsubara Dance in Yeongnam. This also distinguishes the Cheonsubara Dance performed for about 7 minutes with no patterns according to 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases' by dance words, and analizes its combinations and principles. Cheonsubara Dance in Yeongnam consists of 7 dance words(Greeting, Carrying, Carrying with 180° rotation, Bara-Garugi, Bara-Garugi with both hands, rotate once, Bara-chigi), and put together according to the number of letters from 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases'. Usually, the principles can be seen through 4 types of changes from the dance: 1) When letters of 'The Great Dharani of Spiritually Sublime Phrases' appear consecutively with the same number of characters, 2) When a two-letter word turns into a three-letter word, 3) When the opposite of 2) occurs, 4) When 2~3 letter words change in a row.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.605-611
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• 2022

This study excludes how to define the concepts and categories of the Ah-ak(雅樂) and Sok-ak(俗樂). In the process from the early Joseon Dynasty to the late Joseon Dynasty, the aesthetic appreciation system of the Ah-Sok(雅俗) in traditional music, which is consistently projected on court music and folk music centered on Pungryubang, was revealed through specific historical records. Through this study, we were able to examine as follow : In the early Joseon Dynasty, the aesthetic of music related to the the Ah-Sok(雅俗) was mainly projected on the court's ritual music and Yeonhyangak-music for korean court banquet-, and in particular, the aesthetic thoughts of Geomungo[玄琴] was at the center. As we descend to the late Joseon Dynasty, the aesthetic of music related to the Ah-Sok(雅俗) has been expanded to the private sector, reflecting the aesthetic of Pungryubang music, and it can be seen that the aesthetic thought of Geomungo[玄琴] was at the center.