• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.78-97
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• 2021

Seojangdaeyajodo is a drawing of military night training on February 12th (lunar leap month), 1795. Focusing on the Seojangdaeyajodo, the characteristics and of the costumes worn by various types of officials were examined. There were 34 officials located near King Jeongjo in and around Seojangdae, with 27 Dangsanggwan and 7 Danghagwan. They wore three types of costumes, including armor, yungbok, and military uniforms. All of the twelve armor wearers and the five officials wearing yungbok were dangsanggwan, and the military uniform wearers included eleven dangsanggwan and six danghagwan. For the shape of the armor, the armor relics of General Yeoban, suitable for riding horses, and the armor painting of Muyedobotongji were referenced, and the composition of the armor was based on practicality. The armor consists of a helmet, a suit of armor, a neck guard, armpit guards, arm guards, and a crotch guard. The color of the armor was red and green, which are the most frequently used colors in Seojangdaeyajodo. The composition of yungbok was jurip, navy cheollik, red gwangdahoe, socks made of leather, and suhwaja. The composition of the military uniform was a lined jeolrip, dongdari, jeonbok, yodae, jeondae, and suhwaja. There were differences in the fabrics used in dangsanggwan and danghagwan military uniforms. Dangsanggwan used fabric with depictions of clouds and jewels, and danghagwan used unpatterned fabric. Moreover, jade, gold, and silver were used for detailed ornamental materials in dangsanggwan. The weapons included bows and a bow case, a sword, a rattan stick, wrist straps, and a ggakji. In the records of the King Jeongjo period, various colored heopsu were mentioned; the colors of the dongdari and jeonbok of dangsanggwan and danghagwan were referenced in various colors. It was presented as an illustration of costumes that could be used to produce objects accurately reflecting the above historical results. The basic principle of the illustration was to present the modeling standards for 3D content production. Samples of form, color, and material of the corresponding times and statuses were presented. The front, the side, and the back of each costume and its accessories were presented, and the colors were presented in RGB and CMYK.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.129-163
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• 2016

This study examines processes of cultural introductions and transformations among Korea, China and Japan via focuses on the formative characteristics of nasori(納曾利) masks belonging to komagaku (高麗樂), part of bugaku (舞樂), a Japanese court dance and music. Previous studies of traditional masks in East Asia focus on their dramatic characters and entertaining aspects. On the contrary, it approaches to their origins through the formative characteristics of komagaku nasori masks. Prince of Lanling, the representative togaku passed to Japan, and komagaku nasori perform a pair of toubu (答舞). One formative characteristic between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks is a dangling jaw (吊り顎). Masks having 'he' (へ)-shaped eyes like Japan's okina (翁) masks are characterized by a division (切顎) between the face and jaw, which is as same as the Korean masks. Other common grounds between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks are grotesque ghost faces and concentric double-circled eyes with their outlines painted gold. Concentric double-circled eyes prove that they spread to broader areas before the age of togaku and developed into a variety of divine-animal mask patterns. That Korean masks and nasori masks both have concentric double-circled eyes and dangling jaws is a significant starting point in studying the origin of traditional performing art in East Asia. Japan's bugaku has been passed down in shrines as part of folk religion. However, there exist in Korea no records or examples related to komagaku nasori masks introduced to Japan. This study provides some clues to comparison between Korean masks and komagaku nasori masks by focusing on the formative characteristics of the latter. The researcher suggests a new perspective to nasori mask dance by re-examining earlier Korean studies of the introduction of Daemyeonmu of Prince of Lanling to Japan through Shilla and the assumption of Nasori as Shilla music.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.24
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• pp.1-16
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• 2020

This paper presents the process of re-conservation and the results of research on the production method of the Iron Sword with Ring Pommel with Three-Pointed Leaf Decoration, one of the excavation findings from Tomb No. 55 in the Dalseong Ancient Tomb Complex in Daegu. This iron sword is a double weapon with two large swords housed within a single sheath. Four smaller swords are attached to the surface of the sheath, two on the upper portion and the other two below. It is the only such two-in-one weapon excavated intact thus far from an ancient Korean tomb. The records show that it underwent conservation treatment twice in the past. In this study, it was subjected to conservation treatment again to replace the stiffener in some cracking areas, and its material, composition, and production method were analyzed by CT, XRF analysis, and stereoscopic microscopy. The sword is mainly made of copper, but the golden component contains both gold and mercury, which suggests that the copper was plated in gold using mercury amalgamation. The examination of the production methods indicates that it was intended more to demonstrate the authority of its owner rather than to serve any practical use. The two upper small swords on the sheath were made in the same manner as the main swords, and the two small lower swords were cut from a single metal sheet. The sheath was made by cutting two metal sheets. Supports were used to attach the two small swords to the upper portion of the sheath, while the lower portion of the sheath was slit to allow the other two small swords to be inserted into it. The ring pommels of the main swords have a three-pointed leaf decoration. As for the other designs, the handle of the main sword features a series of semicircles, the decorative bands on the sheath have waves in dots, and the fish tail of the sheath shows diagonal lines of dots.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.281-304
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• 2022

Heungdeokjeon was the first pavilion built on the site of Sueocheong during the expansion of Gyeongungung. In this study, we tried to clarify the specific construction process of Heungdeokjeon, which was used for various purposes such as the copy location for Portraits of ancestors, temporary enshrinement site, and the funeral building for the rest of the body, which is Binjeon. In addition, we tried to confirm the historical value based on the characteristics derived by the history of the building and the rituals performed. Heungdeokjeon began to be built in the second half of 1899, and is estimated to have been completed between mid-February and mid-March 1900. It was a ritual facility equipped with waiting rooms for the emperor and royal ladies as an annex. The relocation work was planned in April 1901 and began in earnest after June, and it was closely linked to the construction of attached buildings of Seonwonjeon. In addition, comparing the records on the construction and relocation cost of Heungdeokjeon with those related to the reconstruction of Seonwonjeon, it was confirmed that annex buildings of Heungdeokjeon were relocated and used as annex buildings of Seonwonjeon. The characteristics identified in the process of Heungdeokjeon used as a place to copy portraits are as follows. First, it was used as a place to copy portraits twice in a short period of time. Second, it was the place where the first unprecedented works were carried out in relation to the copying of portraits. Third, the pavilion, which was specially built for imperial rituals, was used as a place to copy portraits. Since then, it has been used as a funeral building for the rest of the body, and features different from those of the previous period are identified. It was the building dedicated to rituals for use as Binjeon, and was also a multipurpose building for copying portraits. In other words, Heungdeokjeon, along with Gyeongbokgung Taewonjeon, is the building that shows the changes in the operation of Binjeon in the late Joseon Dynasty. Characteristics are also confirmed in portrait-related rituals performed at Heungdeokjeon. The first is that Jakheonlye was practiced frequently in a short period of time. The second is that the ancestral rites of Sokjeolje and Bunhyang in Sakmangil, which are mainly held in the provincial Jinjeon, were identified. This is a very rare case in Jinjeon of the palace. The last is that Jeonbae, jeonal, and Bongsim were implemented mutiple times. In conclusion, Heungdeokjeon can be said to be a very symbolic building that shows the intention of Gojong, who valued imperial rituals, and the characteristics of the reconstruction process of Gyeongungung.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.26
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• pp.161-182
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• 2021

A jungwangu, a type of medium-sized mortar, is a firearm with a barrel and a bowl-shaped projectileloading component. A bigyeokjincheonroe (bombshell) or a danseok (stone ball) could be used as a projectile. According to the Hwaposik eonhae (Korean Translation of the Method of Production and Use of Artillery, 1635) by Yi Seo, mortars were classified into four types according to its size: large, medium, small, or extra-small. A total of three mortars from the Joseon period have survived, including one large mortar (Treasure No. 857) and two medium versions (Treasure Nos. 858 and 859). In this study, the production method for medium mortars was investigated based on scientific analysis of the two extant medium mortars, respectively housed in the Jinju National Museum (Treasure No. 858) and the Korea Naval Academy Museum (Treasure No. 859). Since only two medium mortars remain in Korea, detailed specifications were compared between them based on precise 3D scanning information of the items, and the measurements were compared with the figures in relevant records from the period. According to the investigation, the two mortars showed only a minute difference in overall size but their weight differed by 5,507 grams. In particular, the location of the wick hole and the length of the handle were distinct. The extant medium mortars are highly similar to the specifications listed in the Hwaposik eonhae. The composition of the medium mortars was analyzed and compared with other bronze gunpowder weapons. The surface composition analysis showed that the medium mortars were made of a ternary alloy of Cu-Sn-Pb with average respective proportions of (wt%) 85.24, 10.16, and 2.98. The material composition of the medium mortars was very similar to the average composition of the small gun from the Joseon period analyzed in previous research. It also showed a similarity with that of bronze gun-metal from medieval Europe. The casting technique was investigated based on a casting defect on the surface and the CT image. Judging by the mold line on the side, it appears that they were made in a piece-mold wherein the mold was halved and using a vertical design with molten metal poured through the end of the chamber and the muzzle was at the bottom. Chaplets, an auxiliary device that fixed the mold and the core to the barrel wall, were identified, which may have been applied to maintain the uniformity of the barrel wall. While the two medium mortars (Treasure Nos. 858 and 859) are highly similar to each other in appearance, considering the difference in the arrangement of the chaplets between the two items it is likely that a different mold design was used for each item.

• Journal of the korean academy of Pediatric Dentistry
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.179-191
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• 2023

The purpose of this study was to investigate the prevalence and patterns of congenitally missing teeth in permanent teeth excluding third molars, in patients aged 8 to 16 years who visited Pusan National University Dental Hospital from January 2010 to February 2021. This retrospective study evaluated tooth agenesis and the pattern of missing teeth represented by the tooth agenesis code by reviewing panoramic radiographs and electronic medical records of 11,759 patients, including 5,548 females and 6,211 males. The prevalence of congenitally missing teeth was 10.74% (females 11.95%, males 9.66%, p < 0.0001). Patients with tooth agenesis had an average of 2.22 missing teeth, and congenitally missing teeth occurred more frequently in the mandible (8.39%) than in the maxilla (4.52%, p < 0.0001). The mandibular second premolar (58.19%) was the most frequently missing tooth. The second premolar was the most frequently missing tooth in all quadrants (30.10%, 31.67%, 43.14%, and 35.59%) when a single tooth was absent, while the first and second premolars were the most commonly absent teeth (11.69%, 11.47%, 5.94%, and 5.24%) when two or more teeth were missing. In the relationship between maxillary-mandibular antagonistic quadrants and full mouth, the 1st to 4th place of the missing patterns were all involved with the 1st and 2nd premolars. This study can be clinically helpful in establishing a treatment plan for patients with missing teeth. In addition, it can be used as basic data for molecular biological research to find out the relationship between tooth agenesis and specific genes.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.269-305
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• 2020

Youngsan is generally known as Pansori Danga(短歌). However, the contents of 'Yeongsan' in 『Songnamjabji』 are different. In 『Songnamjabji』, Cho Jaesam explained the contents related to 'Youngsan' using three kinds of poems: Shin Kwangsoo's poem, Baegho Imje's poem, Kim Myeongwon's poem. First, 'Ujo Youngsan' appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem. Shin Kwangsoo wrote the (1750) when Yoo Jinhan's 『Manhwajib(晩華集)』(1754) was published. It is difficult to see the 'Ujo Youngsan', which appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem written in a time when Pansori was not widely known, as the Pansori Danga. Second, Jo Jaesam called the music in Baegho Imje's poem 'Youngsan Dodeueum'. In 'Youngsan Dodeueum', flute and 'Dodeuli rhythm' were used. This fact is connected with , an instrumental music. , also a Buddhist term, continued to be used in the palace as well as among the people. Third, Cho Jaesam introduced Kim Myeongwon's poem in 'Yeongsan' part and called it 'Taryeong.' At that time, the term 'Taryeong' referred to both Pansori and Jeongga(正歌). Later, in the 19th century, 'Youngsan' was recorded as a term for the Danga to loosen the neck before Pansori began in earnest. In other words, the early 'Yeongsan' recorded in 『Songnamjabji』 was a Buddhist term, referring to the music of the upper class Seonbi, such as , Gasa(歌詞) and Sijo(時調). In 1855, when 『Songnamjabji』 was written, 'Youngsan' was used as a term used to refer to both Changbu-Music and Gagaek(歌客)-Music, mixed with the term 'Taryeong'. And as Pansori became popular, the term 'Taryeong' came to be called 'Pansori' and 'Youngsan' was used to refer to Pansori Danga. Therefore, all the records of 'Youngsan' should not be interpreted as Pansori Danga. This situation is closely related to religious and social change. The policy of worshipping Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism rejected the term 'Youngsan' which had a Buddhist meaning. In the middle of Joseon Dynasty, when Buddhism was suppressed, 'Youngsan' and 'Taryeong' were mixed. As Buddhism regrown in the late Joseon Dynasty, with the advent of Pansori, the term 'Youngsan' seems to be newly resettled in the sense of Danga. Pansori appeared in the 19th century and 'Yeongsan' was used as a Danga. And the reason should be regarded as this social and religious change.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.415-455
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• 2019

This paper aimed to clarify the identity and category of the Jeong Jeongnyeol-je Chunhyangga from the perspective of the pansori transfer, while revealing the trajectory of Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, which remains in the modern pansori. Jeong Jeong-ryeol's Chunhyangga pansori part has been handed out to date, and except for the love song section, the pansori section, which corresponds to the love-separate-suffering-reunion paragraph, is almost complete. In the case of "Lee Doryeong enters Dongheon," "Hwangneungmyo song," and "The royal secret inspector visits Chunhyang's house to console her", there is a difference in pansori rhythm compared to Chunhyangga, which is currently held. "Why Yi Doryeong came to Chunhyang's House" is used in the form of an Aniri in the current Chunhyangga and "Chunhyang is treated as a virtuous woman in Namwon" is the only one included in Park Rokju's Changbon. "The royal secret inspector gathers people of Namwon to give a feast" is a new part that is not found in Chunhyangga, which is now being held, and can be seen as the Changgeuk sori of pursuing theatrical fun. On the other hand, this paper confirmed that the period between 1936 and 1937, when the Joseon Traditional Vocal Music Group actively performed Changgeuk and the record companies released a series of Changgeuk records, such as and , was an important time for the re-establishment of the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, and that the Chunhyangga of those who had learned it before 1936-1937 was different from those who had learned it after that period. The preceding group includes Park Rok-ju, Kim Yeo-ran and Kim So-hee, while the latter group includes Kim Yeon-soo, Jung Kwang-soo, Park Dong-jin, Jung Kwang-soo and Kang Do-geun. In addition, except for Kim So-hee, these two groups are divided by the time they have learned Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je, whether they inherit the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je from beginning to end, and by the gender of male and female singers. In teaching his pupils, Jeong Jeong-ryeol chose to use the "old-fashioned pansori" teaching method with impromptu plate-making in mind and the "modern pansori" teaching method with stereotyped sounds in mind. As a result, there were two aspects of Jeong Jeongryeol-je Chunhyangga's succession: a female singer-centered succession, which was held as learned from beginning to end, and a male singer-centered succession, which was held differently depending on the pansori schools or versions.

• The Journal of the Society of Stroke on Korean Medicine
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.9-17
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• 2010

Objectives : This study was aimed to evaluate the current status of East-West integrated treatment in stroke and brain disease and to discuss further plans. Methods : The medical records of patients who visited the stroke and brain disease center at Kyung Hee University, East-West Neo Medical Center from May 2006 to August 2010 were evaluated. The general characteristics of patients who underwent integrated treatment, trend in the number of cross referrals were initially evaluated. Later major disorders, the reasons of referrals and the number of visits in outpatients were analyzed. Results : 1. 3496 patients were referred from the eastern medical hospital to the western medical hospital and 2440 patients from the western medical hospital to the eastern medical hospital. The number of patients reached a peak alter the opening of the hospital and has decreased from then on. Referrals of female patients were more than those of male patients and patients over 50 years old were the most. 2. Admitted patients with stroke of chronic stage were most commonly referred from the eastern medical hospital to the western medical hospital and cerebral infarction was most common from the western medical hospital to the eastern medical hospital. Among the outpatients cerebral infarction topped from east to west, and stroke of chronic stage from west to east. 3. 36.6% of the patients from east to west received integrated treatment more than 3 times and 28.6% from west to east. Headache was the second most common reason to be referred from west to east and 36.7% of patients didn't continue to have either of the treatment and 30.3% received eastern treatment only, Conclusions: According to this study, chronic stroke management was successfully performed in the outpatient clinic in the form of East-West integration treatment. Further research on other diseases such as headache is recommended.