• 건축역사연구
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• 제17권4호
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• pp.129-152
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• 2008

Early Buddhist rock cave temples of India, in spite of being an origin of Buddhist temples, has little been studied in Korea. After field studies and an interpretation of their forms in conjunction with religious life, precedent theories are supplemented and refuted as follows. Starting from the 2nd century B,C., Buddhist ascetic disciples digged residential rock caves, called vihara, for protection from monsoon rain and hot weather, A typical arrangement was settled -a courtyard type, with 3 side rows of tiny one-person bedroom and a front veranda with columns. Also digged were Chaitya caves, in line with viharas, to worship, which is the tumulus of Buddha's relics. I suggest that the original type of chaitya a simple circle cave with a stupa, suitable for circumambulating ceremonies. I refute the existing theory presenting Barabar caves of Ajivika as a chaitya origin, featuring empty circular room without a stupa. I also interpret a typical apsidal plan as being a simple result of adding a place of worshipping rites in front of the stupa. Enclosing columns around a cylindrical stupa is a result of reinforcing both the divine space and circumambulating ceremonies, with elongation toward hall. Finally the chaitya came to have a grandeur apsidal plan with high vault ceiling nave and a side aisle as in Western cathedrals with large frontal horseshoe arch windows. The Buddha image, which had become a new worshipping object, was integrated into the stupa and interior surface. First the stupa and then the statue was introduced to residential Viharas. Therefore, I suggest that the vihara should be renamed as 'chaitya' as a worshipping place, by establishing statue rooms without bedrooms at all. The functionally changed vihara is similar in form to a 'rectangular type of chaitya', little known and developed in different routes. A columned inner courtyard gradually becama an offering place, like Hindu mandapa, Buddhist caves ware changed to a kind of Tantric and Hindu temple by means of statue worshipping offering rituals.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제16권4호
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• pp.7-22
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• 2007

In San Francisco, two new museums were recently built in 1995 and 2005. The one is San Francisco Museum of Modern Art designed by Mario Botta and the other is De Young Museum designed by Jacques Herzog & Pierre de Meuron. The urban settings for the museums are compared with each other and theories of the architects are evolved on different branches in the modernist trends. The theories and settings are followed by the representation in the forms, facades, interior spaces and towers. SFMOMA is located on the SoMa area, which was recently developed into a cultural urban core with Moscone Center and Buena Yerba Garden. De Young Museum was rebuilt in the old museum site in the Golden Gate Park. The one is on the context of urban artefacts and the other on the context of natural artefacts. To Botta, the museum in today's city plays a role analogous to that of the cathedral of yesterday. It is a place of common encounter and confrontation. The volume of SFMOMA which is geometrical and symmetric with double pylons. The frontality on the street and public green open space and the axiality of SFMOMA runs through the Buena Yerba Garden over Buena Yerba Center for the Arts are reminded us of an urban core with a religious monument and a city square. The staircase with grandiose design in the atrium seems to work as an altar with lighting from skylight above enhancing the liturgical ambiance. De Young Museum is shaped in a rectangle with long narrow courtyards. Three bands of volumes are juxtaposed and the nature flows into the museum corridors and galleries. The tower is distorted so as to be aligned to the street grids of the surrounding area. The copper panel of De Young Museum and natural context evoke modern concept of "machine in the garden". The two museums from different pedigrees of Modern Architecture are now major landmarks of SF and urban expressions for the 21st century.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.7-25
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• 2009

Hakbongjongtaek(The head house of Uisong Kim family, 鶴峯宗宅), firstly built in the early 17th century, was moved to its neighboring place in the late 18th century. The man who led the relocation(移建) of the house was the eldest grandson of the family, Jong-soo, Kim. He made and overall plan and also participated in building the house. There remain four Gados(family paintings, 가도(家圖)) related to the relocation plan. This paper aims to make an analysis of these Gados, and through analysis, to find what was the essential poing of the relocation plan and how the point was represented in the paintings. The result of analysis is as follows: 1. The main focus of relocation plan was the form of Anchae(the inner house). Anchae was designed as asymmetrical form, and restricted to four kan. Only Andaechung needed to be 6 kan size for religious ceremonies. 2. For the design of Sarangchae, the displacement of large Sarangbang and small Sarangbang was an important issue. There were two ways of layout: parallel type and facing type. The latter was chosen. 3. The representation and techniques of Gado is quite concrete, in spite of differences among them. The expression of doors, windows, attic and kitchen was based on the understanding of space. Also the spatial division, which was expressed line on the grid, was based on the scaled ruler. As we've seen before, painting the relocation plan was a kind of endeavors to make the housing type as a realization of Garye. Also, we can find out that role of the eldest grandson of the family was quite important to carry out the plan. As well as, it was meaningful to examine Sadaebu (the aristocrat of Chosun)'s perception of housing.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.63-78
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• 2018

Pagodas in Myanmar can be largely divided into Zedi and Pato. Zedi is a developed form of the early domed pagodas in India and Sri Lanka, which can be found in the introduction of Buddhism in Myanmar and the comparison of early pagodas in India, Sri Lanka and Myanmar. On the other hand, Pato is where statues of Buddha were enshrined, which is why many scholars referred to it as a temple. However, this study proposes that Pato shall be referred to as a temple-style pagoda in a form unique to Myanmar, based on the origin of Pato, definition of pagodas, and Sarira Enrichment Record of Pato. Moreover, it seems more appropriate to name this type of structure Stupa Temple(塔殿) or Stupa Shrine(塔堂) rather than a Buddhist temple(佛殿) or Buddhist shrine(佛堂) for clear distinction. Pato, or temple-style pagodas, has a ${\acute{S}}ikhara-style$ structure at the center like Ananda Pato upon entering the Pagan (Bagan) kingdom period, on which Zedi-style structures are built. As a result of examining the integration of various Buddhist schools and religions focused on Theravada during the period of King Anawrahta and King Kyanzittha, the ${\acute{S}}ikhara-style$ structure is a symbolic representation of the fact that Theravada embraced Hinduism. The common features shared by pagodas in Myanmar are the centrality of place and the verticality of $y{\check{a}}ngti{\bar{a}}n$ (looking up to the sky) in terms of shape. All temples are placed at the most important and central space, and their forms represent strong religious $y{\check{a}}ngti{\bar{a}}n$ and verticality. These are the features that stand out most among various pagodas in Buddhist countries.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제25호
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• pp.291-332
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• 2012

라마교 사원축제 시에 연행되는 챰(cham)은 티벳은 물론 인도, 네팔, 부탄, 몽골에 전승되어 온 불교 의식무용이다. 챰의 유형과 양식, 제차는 지역과 종파에 따라 변별되나 공통적으로 불법(佛法)에 거스르는 악을 응징함으로써 불법의 승리와 세상의 안과태평을 경축하기 위해 연행된다. 본고는 인도 북단의 라닥(Ladakh)의 헤미스(Hemis)사원에서 라마교의 개조 빠드마삼바바($Padm{\bar{a}}sambhava$; 연화생(蓮華生))의 탄신을 경축하기 위해 행해지는 쩨츄 챰을 대상으로 그 제의적 연행 관념과 구조를 고찰하였다. 그를 통해 신성현현과 제의적 공양, 시각화 명상, 만달라로서의 제의적 공간, 양식화된 연행의 제의적 함의, 점강적 공연 구조, 공연 동기의 대승성 등의 특성을 확인하였다.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.235-271
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• 2020

Tainan was the capital of Taiwan and was the largest commercial city in Taiwan with a significant number of ports. However, after the end of the Qing era, the functions of the capital and major ports were shifted to Taipei and Kaohsiung, thus leading Tainan to lose its position. This article focuses on festivals in the city. The Qing dynasty administrative agency set up a local government that grouped multiple villages based on the religious beliefs which were closely related to the concept of the urban space as the primary temple. Mazu is an object of worship that attracted the attention of city residents from the Taisho era to the colonial era. At the Mazu temple in Tainan, which has acquired a new mystery, a Mazu festival was conducted with Mazu patrols. This festival was conducted from 1915 to 1937, when it was canceled due to the temple reorganization movement. At the festival, multiple participating groups used to compete to earn the luxury of running the pavilions. The procession ran through the north side of the city on the first day and the south side of the city on the second day. During this festival, in addition to going around the villages of the old city, a touring route was planned for the procession to pass through major landmarks related to the colonial administration and the Ginza-dori Shopping Street, which was newly created during the Taisho era. Therefore, this procession was unique because it ensured that people could explore the old and new streets that were transformed through urban remodeling during the colonial period. Moreover, passing through the licensed quarters called Shin-machi, which was relocated through urban remodeling by the administrative agency, allowed people to visualize the urban structure of colonial Taiwan. Tainan city was renewed through remodeling during the colonial period, thus leading to the formation of a new commercial area. The spirit of the people in Tainan city can be gauged based on the fact that the festival was financially and religiously supported by the merchants who promoted it. The restoration of Mazu during the colonial period indicates the restoration of urban commerce in Tainan, which had fallen from its position as the primary port city in Taiwan since the end of the Qing period. Therefore, it can be considered to represent the restoration of the city.

• 기독교교육논총
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• 제72권
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• pp.7-24
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• 2022

연구 목적 : 코로나 팬데믹 종식이 본격적으로 거론되는 시점에 이 논문은 팬데믹이 초래한 사회 변화를 집중적으로 살펴보고, 그것을 기초로 해서 향후 기독교교육의 방향을 가늠하고 제시하는 것을 목적으로 삼고 있다. 연구 내용 및 방법 : 코로나 팬데믹을 거치면서 진행된 사회 전반의 급속한 변화를 다섯 가지 관점, 즉 세계화, 디지털, 불평등, 교육체제, 교회 변화를 중심으로 검토한다(II장). 계속해서 코로나 이전에는 전혀 예상할 수 없었던 사회 변화를 충분히 고려해서 팬데믹 이후 세계에 필요한 기독교 교육의 향후 방향을 결론적으로 제시하고자 한다(III장, IV장). 결론 및 제언 : 코로나 이후 세계를 위한 기독교교육은 교회의 교육적 사명을 성취하도록 현재 상황을 위기 극복의 계기로 활용해야 한다. 추후 기독교교육은 팬데믹 시대의 사회 변화(지역 중심 세계화, 디지털 전환, 경제 불평등, 교육환경 변화)에 관심을 갖고 성찰하면서 모바일 교회학교, 거점 교회학교, 안전한 교회학교, 생태 교회학교로의 혁신적 전환이 시급하다.

• 한국전통조경학회지
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• 제28권1호
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• pp.27-37
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• 2010

국내 삼보사찰의 하나인 통도사에 전래되는 통도팔경의 형식과 구조 그리고 그 의미를 살펴봄으로서 '통도팔경'의 상징성과 팔경의 포치적 서사구조를 조명하기 위해 시도된 본 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 통도사 서쪽의 영축산이 갖는 지명의 의미와 독수리 날개깃과 같이 배경에 펼쳐진 영축산의 웅혼한 장관(壯觀) 그리고 다수의 부속암자의 원심적 배치 특성과 위용에서 통도사의 불보세계관이 잘 드러나고 있다. 또한 통도사를 중심으로 한 쌍룡농주형의 형국과 혈처(穴處) 금강계단을 중심으로 형성된 위요경관적 특성에서는 통도사의 중층적 경관전개와 구심적 경관의도가 감지된다. 통도팔경의 경관내용과 구성요소는 소나무, 대(臺), 폭포, 동천(洞天) 그리고 노을 등 물리적 경관 이외에 영지(影池)와 북소리, 종소리 등 불교의식과 관련한 범음구(梵音具)에서 파생되는 청각적 요소를 제시함으로써 중생을 교화 제도하기 위한 소리경관이 강조되고 있다. 팔경의 포치를 살펴볼 때, 통도사 영역을 일깨워주는 국장생석표를 시작으로 물과 다리 그리고 송림숲과 일주문으로 연결되는 유입부에 제1경 '무풍한송'을 배열하고, 대웅전과 금강계단을 중심으로 둘러 펼쳐진 경역의 요처에 안양동대 등에 6개경을 배치하는 한편, 영역 밖 '단조성에서 조망한 낙조'를 북단에 설정함으로써 불교적 상징성을 주요 모티브로 하는 원심적 공간구성을 보여주고 있다. 이는 수미산을 중심으로 구산팔해를 상징화한 만다라 형상의 전개와 일치한다. 더욱이 통도팔경은 사찰 경내의 요처인 주경관 요소를 배제하고 유입성과 원심성을 극대화함으로써 산문의 영역성과 중첩효과를 극대화하고 있음을 엿볼 수 있다. 팔경의 경관해석 결과로 볼 때 통도팔경은 2개경씩 4쌍의 경이 대구(對句)를 이루면서 계절성, 방향성, 공간성 그리고 시간성을 축으로 불교적 교리와 관념을 담으며 사찰 영역에서 바라본 서사적 풍경임이 발견된다. 이와 같은 표제의 성격과 포치구도는 물론 의미내용을 볼 때 통도팔경은 외적으로는 통도사의 사찰 영역성을 보다 강화시킬 위한 장치이자 가시적 표상이며, 내적으로는 시공간적 의미 속에 극락세계로의 지향 염원을 극대화하고 종교적 염원과 만다라의 중층적 성격을 강화하기 이루어진 경관 상징언어로 해석된다.

• 기독교교육논총
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• 제62권
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• pp.227-255
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• 2020

이 논문의 목적은 한국 여성들이 기독교가 마련한 교육공간을 통해 '말하는 주체'로 거듭난 경로를 추적하고 그 효과를 규명하는 데 있다. 초기 기독교는 문자 교육을 수반한 성경공부, 연설과 토론으로 대변되는 근대적 발화양식, 간증과 방언으로 대변되는 기독교 고유의 발화양식 등 세 경로를 통해 여성을 '말하는 주체'로 세울 수 있었다. 첫째 경로는 여자사경회인데, 농어촌 지역의 여성들은 이를 매개로 문자의 세계로 진입하면서 무지와 묵종의 세계에서 벗어날 수 있었다. 둘째 경로는 기독교계 여성교육 기관이 마련한 연설과 토론공간이다. 이화학당의 이문회(以文會), 감리교 여자청년회인 조이스회(Joyce Chapter), 여성단체인 YWCA 등에서 여성들은 근대적 언어구사의 테크닉을 배우면서 말하는 주체로 거듭날 수 있었다. 셋째 경로는 기독교 고유의 발화양식인 간증과 방언이다. 남성 엘리트에게만 허용되었던 설교나 공중기도와 달리, 간증과 방언은 성별이나 신분의 제약을 초월하는 발화양식이다. 여성들은 적극적인 간증 행위를 통해 자신의 존엄을 확인하였고, 일종의 해체적 언술 행위인 방언을 매개로 초월적 권위에 기대어 말할 권리를 행사할 수 있었다. 이렇듯 기독교가 마련한 교육공간을 통과하면서 여성들은 자신들이 겪는 고통이 운명 탓이 아니라 사회적 구조나 오랜 악습 때문임을 깨닫고 여성의 교육권과 재산권을 주장하는 '말하는 주체'가 되었다. 지난 30여 년 동안 활발했던 신여성 연구에서는 여성주체 형성의 장치였던 기독교의 영향력에 대해 간과하는 경향이 있었다. 초기 한국 기독교 교육공간에는 여성을 말하는 주체로 세우는 다양한 언술장치가 있었고, 이는 여성들의 공적 발화에 선도적 역할을 하였음을 밝힌 이 글은 그간의 근대여성 연구의 지평을 보완, 확장한다는 점에서 의의가 있다.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.68-84
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• 1992

The development of Buddhist architectures of the Unified Silla period have been generally understood to have paired pagoda instead of one which had been popular until before the unification. Besides the stylistic categorization of paired pagoda system, there had been no further investigation reported concerning whether there was any detailed process of change within the development of paired pagoda style. This paper aims to identify such change inside the development of paired pagoda style, which, externally, seems to be the same pattern of site design maintained throughout the period of Unified Silla that lasted for about three centuries. Since the temple sites of study are in the same pattern of layout, the method of investigation has to be such that can identify the subtle changes that, in external appearance, are not easily discernible. Hence, this research compared the dimensions of important measurement of five temple sites to be able to clarify the process of minor changes. Among many sites of Silla temples, only five were suitable for the research since detailed measurement were possible through field research or the report of excavation. They are the sites of Sachonwang-sa, Mangduk-sa, site of Kunsuri, and Bulguk-sa. Although the five sites have the same style of paired pagoda, it is clear that there were consistant flow of change. Even though the motivation of such change were not strong enough to change the site pattern itself, it resulted continuous minor changes such as the size and location of architectures. The size of image hall, for example, was growing larger and larger as time goes on, while, the size of Pagoda was getting smaller. In the same way, the size of middle gate became smaller while the size of lecture hall became larger, although the rate of change in these cases were not as severe as that of image hall and pagoda. At the same time, pagoda was coming closer to the middle gate leaving larger space in front of the image hall. Such aspect is even more meaningful considering the fact that the pagoda, from the 8th century in Japan and China, moved outside of the major precinct. The image hall, too, moved toward the middle gate slightly so that the space in front of the lecture hall became more spacious. Such changes, of course, were not accidental but they are the same continuous motivation of change that caused the changes before the period of unification. Enlargement of image hall and reduction of pagoda, for example, represent the changing relative importance of religious meaning. Hence, it is evident that one can not easily imterprete the development of one style only by categorizing it to be one same style. In the veiwpoint of the underlying motivation of change, the fact that one style persisted for a certain period of time, does not mean there had been no change, but means that it was the time of motivational accumulation, causing minor changes within the same style, to be able to create major change coming after.