• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.1-20
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• 2009

This research tries to review the history and concepts of Thai temple mural painting. According to the research results, the history of Thai mural painting dates back to the late 14th century when Wat Chedi Chet Taeo in Si Satchanalai was built. The Sinhalese elements embedded in the Sukhothai murals are also found in the Ayuthayan stupa murals made in the early 15th century. The mid 18th century's Burmese invasion into Ayuthaya destroyed most of Buddhist temples in the Kingdom of Ayuthaya and as a result, Buddhist murals of the late Ayuthayan age are hardly found except for some temple murals located outside of the capital. The late Ayuthayan murals are much different from the early Ayuthayan murals in that they are narrative in depicting Jataka and the life of Lord Buddha. This classical mural painting culminated in the age of Rama III of Bangkok Dynasty. His successor Rama IV undertook westernized reforms which influenced the area of traditional mural painting. Consequently, new western style Buddhist mural paintings were produced while themes of mural painting were enlarged to the other subjects such as historical recording of royal and social events. This trend continued in the age of Rama V but the development of Thai Buddhist mural painting discontinued after the death of Rama V due to the rapid westernization and decrease of illiteracy. The existing Buddhist murals produced on or before the reign of Rama V are deteriorating and disappearing. The reasons for this are partly because of Thailand's humid climate. However, some social backgrounds such as the lack of concern for preserving old Buddhist murals can not be disregarded. Considering the substantial value of Thai Buddhist murals as a cultural resource in Thai society, it is very urgent to establish appropriate conservation policy for them.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.38
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• pp.305-321
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• 1998

The costume style of the Chosun dynasty changed greatly after Imjinwaeran (the Japanese Invasion of Chosun Korea, 1592∼1598). Most of the extant costumes come from the late Chosun, but some costumes produced be-fore Imjinwaeran have been excavated, and in addition, information on these older constumes is contained in contemporary literature. Of especial value in the study of pre-Imjinwaeran Chosun constumes is a mid-sixteenth century palace painting depicting the worship of Buddha, a painting in the collection of the Ho-Am Art Museum in Seoul. The present study of costume during the middle Chosun dynasty focuses on this painting, and compares it with other contemporary palace paintings, and with other contemporary palace paintings, and with Nectar Ritual Paintings. The following conclusion were drawn : * Concerning woman's hair styles of the time, married women wore a large wig. Un-married women braided their hair, and then either let it fall down their back or wore it coiled on top of their head. * The major characteristic of woman's costumes was a ample, tube-like silhouette, with the ratio of the Jeogori(Korean woman's jacket) and skirt being one-to-one. * The style of Jeogori in the painting was like that of excavated remains. Some Jeogoris were simple (without decoration), while some Jeogoris were worn with red sashes. Here we can confirm the continuity of ancient Korean costumes with those of the sixteenth century * Although the skirt covered the ankles, it did not touch the ground. Because the breadth of the skirt was not wide, it seems to have been for ordinary use. Colors of skirts were mainly white or light blue. * All men in the painting wore a headdress. Ordinary men, not Buddhist monks, wore Bok-du (headstring), Chorip (straw hat), or Heuk-rip (black hat). In this painting, men wore a Heukrip which had a round Mojeong (crown). * The men wore sashes fastened around their waist to close their coats, which was different from the late Chosun, in which men bound their sashes around their chest. That gave a ration of the bodice of the coat to the length of the skirt of one-to-one, which was consistent with that of woman's clothing. * In this painting, we cannot see the Buddhist monk's headdress that appeared later in the Chosun, such as Gokkal (peaked hat), Songnak (nun's hat), and Gamtu (horsehair cap). These kinds of headdresses, which appeared in paintings from the seventeenth century, were worn widely inside or outside the home. Buddhist monks wore a light blue long coat, called Jangsam (Buddhist monk's robe) and wore Gasa (Buddhist monk's cope), a kind of ceremonial wrap, round their body. We can see that the Gasa was very splendid in the early years of the Chosun dynasty, a continuing tradition of Buddhist monk's costumes from the Koryo dynasty.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.213-247
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• 2018

Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.

• The Mathematical Education
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.48-73
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• 1986

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.120-147
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• 2019

In this study, we divided the portraits in the reign of King Seonjo into those which were created before and after the Japanese invasion. We then examined various aspect of costumes expressed in the portraits of meritorious vassals. To analyze official uniforms (Heuk-Danryeung), we examined the Samo height; the side wings' type and pattern; the Danryeung pattern; the Mu style; the processing method of lateral lines in Danryeung the rank badge and rank belt, the color of Dabho and Cheolrik, which were undergarment of Danryeung and Heuk-wa. The meritorious vassals' portraits, prior to Imran, were analyzed with a portrait of Han Eung-in, a Gwang-kuk Pyeong-nan meritorious vassals. The Samo was the highest of the Choson dynasties, and the cloud and treasure pattern was identified on the side wings. The Heuk-Danryeung was a dark blue(acheongsaeg) Danryeung of manja-shaped cloud patterns with a large outward wrinkled Mu, and it had a wild goose badge (second rank) and a Sabgeumdae. It did not coincide with the Pumgye(Jaheondaebu) recorded in Gugjo-inmulgo. Reddish Dabho for Dangsang-kwan, green Cheolrik which was undergarment of Danryeung, and Heuk-wa. were identified. After the invasion of Japan, portraits of Hoseong, Seonmu, and Cheong-nan meritorious vassals were analyzed through eighteen portraits, including Lee Hyeon-bok. After the invasion of the Japanese, the height of the Samo's top was much lower and the width of the side wings was wider than before the invasion of Japanese. The Heuk-Danryeung was a dark blue (acheongsaeg) Danryeung of manja-shaped cloud patterns with a stretching backward Mu. Rank badge and rank belts were almost identical with the record, but there were two exceptions (Sin-jab and Kim, Sae-sin). Therefore, it was reaffirmed that the meritorious vassals' portraits were drawn by the Pumgye at the time of appointment. Among the undergarments of Heuk-Danryeung, green Dabho(11), blue Dabho(4), reddish Dabho(3), and blue Cheolrik(10), green Cheolrik(6), reddish Cheolrik(1), and yucheongsaeg Cheolrik(1) were identified, However, it is suggested that the Dabho of Hoseong, Seonmu, and Cheong-nan meritorious vassals should be the reddish Dabho of Dangsang-kwan, which is the same as the previous Imran, and a green Cheolrik.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.223-242
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• 2022

The main purpose of this study is to find out the meaning of structural changes that appeared in the royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty after the application of a compound lime-mortar(Sammulhoe三物灰: the mortar with lime, sand, ocher). In the early Joseon Dynasty, the royal tomb was constructed by following the system of the stone chamber tomb in the Goryeo Dynasty. However the system of the stone chamber tomb recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀: The five category's formalities in the Joseon Dynasty)』 is very different from that in the Goryeo Dynasty. The biggest difference is that a compound lime-mortar was applied into the system of the stone chamber tomb in order to attempt structural reinforcement. This change reflects King Sejong's willingness to build a dense structure in which water does not permeate the stone chamber when Yeongneung(英陵) was built in 1446(the 28th year of King Sejong's reign). Yeongneung is a complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall. After constructing a stone chamber, the 1.2m(4尺) thick wall with a compound lime-mortar is additionally constructed outside the stone chamber structure. In 1468(the year of King Yejong's accession), according to the will of King Sejo, the stone chamber system was abolished and the Hyeongung(玄宮: the chamber enshrining a coffin of the deceased king or queen consort) was constructed only by the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar. This change become a primary cause for the royal tomb to be constructed as Hoekyukneung(灰隔陵: the royal tomb with chamber constructed only by the thick wall with compound lime-mortar) in the late Joseon Dynasty. The Hoekyukneung in the late Joseon Dynasty has been constructed with the method of structure and construction for the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar since the complex structure recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀)』. The Hoekuykseoksilneung(灰隔石室陵: the complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall) is unique tomb style of Joseon Dynasty and become a motive of tomb system(Hoekuykneung) in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.33-45
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• 1999

Examine the dress which the Emperor actually wore in Gun-ryung 42nd year of Ching dynasty, comparison of 《Cheong-hoi-jeon-do》 with the Emperors year-round dress in Gun-ryung the 41st year was made and summarize the result as follows. It was used almost similar to the code of 《Cheong-hoi-jeon-do》. Though the materials and colors were more diverse than those of the previous year, it seems that actual use of material was plain under the influence of mourning. All the materials for summer hat were rattans. And velvet was the material for the patrol hat, but actually used before they change to summer material after fur use was over according to the season, which can be said as more reasonable use than the code. Materials of coat were more diverse than the precious year and also they put on ko-hemp cloth which was not found in the previous year. This can be understood that they expressed their guilt-consciousness to the dead as dress material by wearing ko-hemp cloth during the summer after periiod of mourning was over. And they put on the ko-hemp, the Emperors ordinary dress, much longer time than the previous year and this seems to be coherent to the meaning of wearing ko-hemp cloth. They followed the Emperor\`s Jo-bok1 one for the Kae-bok which were not systematized and Jae-dae used Jo-dae2 as the Emperor\`s Jae-bok in 42nd year. This was the same as the Jae-bok code of the previous year. Jo-ju did not follow the code of 《Cheong-hoi-jeon-do》, but made a wide variety. For the belt, the same as 41st year, it marked the gem decoration style on the Jae-bok belt as a square type and mourning dress by using the round type. The Emperors dress in 41nd year showed one side of the patrol clothes by the patrol of San-dong. On the contrary, it was also the chance to see one side of funeral garments in 42nd year. In Gun-ryung 42nd year, the Emperor put on the funeral garments for hundred days. Accordingly even in parts, we can see that the Emperor wore two kinds of dress for hundred days, that is, color dress and white dress and white dress. While on duty, in other words, everyday dress was only blue color and also the same color for the belt and shoes. But didn\`t put on Jo-ju. When they were in mourning, they wore white dress and belt as a funeral garments, which were called Hyo-bok, Hyo-bok.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.223-284
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• 2005

Gwaebul, created during late Joseon dynasty, especially from 1885 to 1926, now exist 18 ones. And 12 of them are owned by Buddhist temples located in Seoul city and Gyeonggido province. Royal Tomb praised and Royal household praised Buddhist temples in early Joseon dynasty were supported by Royal Family. As a renovation of Buddhist temples by king Taejong's reign(1400-1418), they became impoverished with reduced Buddhist ceremony. But they maintained their lives in intimate connection with royal family, and went prosperous from late 18th century. At that times, a new trend in Gwaebul appeared, which have popular idea for wishing peace of the dead, the nation and the royal family. The new composition of painting expressed in Gwaebul starts in Amitabha-Triad paintings which carved in first volume of ${\ll}$Amita-yohaegyeong${\gg}$ made of wooden plate. And Gi-heoh(A.D. 1820-1872) carved it in 1853 at Naewonam Buddhist hermitage of Samgaksan mountain And a return of Suwolgwaneumdo which had been popularized in late Goryo dynasty is worth noticing as a new issue of late Joseon dynasty. It is related with a composition of Gwaebul that expressed 'a leading the dead to the good', a Buddhist consciousness of falsehood and fancy. The saturated and blurred style of painting, the fact that centralization-powered lineage of painter who used composition of multi-used basic pattern, are characteristics of this period.