• 제목/요약/키워드: reign style

검색결과 42건 처리시간 0.033초

태국의 불교사찰 벽화에 관한 연구 (A Study of the Mural Paintings in Thai Temples)

  • 노장서
    • 수완나부미
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    • 제1권2호
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    • pp.1-20
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    • 2009
  • This research tries to review the history and concepts of Thai temple mural painting. According to the research results, the history of Thai mural painting dates back to the late 14th century when Wat Chedi Chet Taeo in Si Satchanalai was built. The Sinhalese elements embedded in the Sukhothai murals are also found in the Ayuthayan stupa murals made in the early 15th century. The mid 18th century's Burmese invasion into Ayuthaya destroyed most of Buddhist temples in the Kingdom of Ayuthaya and as a result, Buddhist murals of the late Ayuthayan age are hardly found except for some temple murals located outside of the capital. The late Ayuthayan murals are much different from the early Ayuthayan murals in that they are narrative in depicting Jataka and the life of Lord Buddha. This classical mural painting culminated in the age of Rama III of Bangkok Dynasty. His successor Rama IV undertook westernized reforms which influenced the area of traditional mural painting. Consequently, new western style Buddhist mural paintings were produced while themes of mural painting were enlarged to the other subjects such as historical recording of royal and social events. This trend continued in the age of Rama V but the development of Thai Buddhist mural painting discontinued after the death of Rama V due to the rapid westernization and decrease of illiteracy. The existing Buddhist murals produced on or before the reign of Rama V are deteriorating and disappearing. The reasons for this are partly because of Thailand's humid climate. However, some social backgrounds such as the lack of concern for preserving old Buddhist murals can not be disregarded. Considering the substantial value of Thai Buddhist murals as a cultural resource in Thai society, it is very urgent to establish appropriate conservation policy for them.

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관중숭불도에 나타난 16세기 복식연구 (A Study of Costumes in the Palace Painting Depicting the Worship of Buddha during the Reign of King Myungjong)

  • 홍나영;김소현
    • 복식
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    • 제38권
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    • pp.305-321
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    • 1998
  • The costume style of the Chosun dynasty changed greatly after Imjinwaeran (the Japanese Invasion of Chosun Korea, 1592∼1598). Most of the extant costumes come from the late Chosun, but some costumes produced be-fore Imjinwaeran have been excavated, and in addition, information on these older constumes is contained in contemporary literature. Of especial value in the study of pre-Imjinwaeran Chosun constumes is a mid-sixteenth century palace painting depicting the worship of Buddha, a painting in the collection of the Ho-Am Art Museum in Seoul. The present study of costume during the middle Chosun dynasty focuses on this painting, and compares it with other contemporary palace paintings, and with other contemporary palace paintings, and with Nectar Ritual Paintings. The following conclusion were drawn : * Concerning woman's hair styles of the time, married women wore a large wig. Un-married women braided their hair, and then either let it fall down their back or wore it coiled on top of their head. * The major characteristic of woman's costumes was a ample, tube-like silhouette, with the ratio of the Jeogori(Korean woman's jacket) and skirt being one-to-one. * The style of Jeogori in the painting was like that of excavated remains. Some Jeogoris were simple (without decoration), while some Jeogoris were worn with red sashes. Here we can confirm the continuity of ancient Korean costumes with those of the sixteenth century * Although the skirt covered the ankles, it did not touch the ground. Because the breadth of the skirt was not wide, it seems to have been for ordinary use. Colors of skirts were mainly white or light blue. * All men in the painting wore a headdress. Ordinary men, not Buddhist monks, wore Bok-du (headstring), Chorip (straw hat), or Heuk-rip (black hat). In this painting, men wore a Heukrip which had a round Mojeong (crown). * The men wore sashes fastened around their waist to close their coats, which was different from the late Chosun, in which men bound their sashes around their chest. That gave a ration of the bodice of the coat to the length of the skirt of one-to-one, which was consistent with that of woman's clothing. * In this painting, we cannot see the Buddhist monk's headdress that appeared later in the Chosun, such as Gokkal (peaked hat), Songnak (nun's hat), and Gamtu (horsehair cap). These kinds of headdresses, which appeared in paintings from the seventeenth century, were worn widely inside or outside the home. Buddhist monks wore a light blue long coat, called Jangsam (Buddhist monk's robe) and wore Gasa (Buddhist monk's cope), a kind of ceremonial wrap, round their body. We can see that the Gasa was very splendid in the early years of the Chosun dynasty, a continuing tradition of Buddhist monk's costumes from the Koryo dynasty.

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용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토 (A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple)

  • 강관식
    • 미술자료
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    • 제97권
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • 용주사 <삼세불회도>에 대한 연구는 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 네 가지 핵심 사항이 실증적인 근거와 일관된 논리 아래 모두 일치되도록 정합적으로 설명해야 한다. 그러나 최근의 용주사 <삼세불회도> 연구에서 제기된 19세기 후반 화승 제작설과 1790년에 제작된 원본을 1920년대에 일반화가가 서양화법으로 개채한 것이라는 소론은 실증성과 논리성이 결여되어 성립되기 어렵다. 현존 <삼세불회도>의 축원문(祝願文)은 세자(世子) 책봉을 받지 않은 원자(元子)만 있던 시기였음에도 불구하고 당시의 관습대로 의례적인 삼전(三殿) 축원문을 썼다가 이를 주사로 지우고 다시 "주상전하수만세(主上殿下壽萬歲), 자궁저하수만세(慈宮邸下壽萬歲), 왕비전하수만세(王妃殿下壽萬歲), 세자저하수만세(世子邸下壽萬歲)"라는 특별한 내용과 예외적인 순서로 개서(改書)했는데, 이는 조선후기 불화의 축원문 형식과 내용을 광범위하게 조사하고 정조대 왕실의 전례(典禮)를 면밀히 분석해 볼 때, 현존하는 <삼세불회도>가 1790년의 창건 당시에 그려졌던 원본 진작임을 말해주는 가장 확실한 객관적 근거라고 할 수 있다. 삼세불회도의 형식(形式)과 도상(圖像), 양식(樣式), 미감(美感), 화격(畫格) 등을 18~19세기 불화나 궁중화원 양식과 다각도로 비교분석해 보면 용주사 <삼세불회도>는 1790년경 전후에만 나타나는 특징이 많이 보이기 때문에 축원문(祝願文)에 대한 분석 결과와 일치한다. 특히 18세기 전반까지만 해도 종교적 위상에 따라 존상의 크기가 결정되고 화면 구성도 근하원상(近下遠上)의 고식(古式) 원근법에 따라 관념적, 평면적 조형 위주로 이루어져 왔으나 이 <삼세불회도>는 투시법적 원근법의 논리에 따라 구축된 입체적 공간 속에 존상들을 매우 체계적으로 배치한 뒤 서양화(西洋畫)의 음영식(陰影式) 명암법(明暗法)을 적극적으로 구사하며 흰색 하이라이트와 그림자까지 표현함으로써, 마치 삼세불회(三世佛會)의 장엄한 세계가 눈앞에 실제로 펼쳐져 있는 것 같은 느낌을 준다. 이 투시법적 원근법의 내적 질서와 음영식 명암법의 외적 착시는 골육합체(骨肉合體)처럼 내적으로 긴밀히 연결되어 있는 것이기 때문에 흰색 하이라이트만 떼어내서 후대에 개채된 것이라고 볼 수 있는 것이 결코 아니다. 더구나 이 <삼세불회도> 같은 고도의 서양화법과 높은 화격(畫格)의 창의적 융합은 조선후기 회화사상 김홍도와 이명기, 김득신 같은 정조대의 궁중화원만이 이룩할 수 있는 고도의 양식이자 화격이다. 용주사 주지 등운(等雲)이 창건 이래 용주사에 전해져온 기록을 토대로 『용주사사적(龍珠寺事蹟)』을 정리하며 김홍도가 <삼세불회도>를 그렸다고 기록한 것은 이것이 당시의 역사(歷史)이자 실상이었기 때문이다. 조정의 공식 기록인 『일성록(日省錄)』과 『수원부지령등록(水原府旨令謄錄)』에는 김홍도와 이명기, 김득신이 감동(監董)했다고 기록되어 있지만, 이는 의례 화승(畫僧)들이 그려왔던 불화를 관원 신분의 화원에게 그리도록 하는 것이 엄격한 관직 체제나 운영상 부당한 것이기 때문에 정치적 부담을 피하기 위해 명분상 감동으로 발령한 뒤 실제로는 불화를 직접 그리도록 했던 데서 나타난 결과였다. 영정조대의 어진(御眞) 도사 과정에서 감동으로 불러들인 문인화가 조영석(趙榮祏)과 강세황(姜世晃)에게 국왕이 직접 그릴 것을 요구했던 사례에서 볼 수 있듯이, '감동(監董)'과 '집필(執筆)'은 경우에 따라 경계를 넘나들 수 있는 개념으로서 '감동'이 '집필'을 완전히 배제하는 것은 아니며 겸할 수도 있는 것이다. 그런 점에서 『용주사사적』의 기록은 『일성록』이나 『수원부지령등록』은 물론 황덕순의 「닫집 원문」 기록과도 모순되는 것이 아니라, 행간의 의미를 찾아 복합적으로 읽으면 각각의 맥락과 필요에 따라 동일한 내용의 표리를 다르게 기록해 놓은 것임을 알 수 있다. 이렇게 해석할 때 우리는 용주사 <삼세불회도>의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 네 가지 핵심 사항을 모두 실증적인 근거와 일관된 논리 아래 정합적으로 설명할 수 있을 것이다.

2017년 타이: '싸릿모델'의 부활과 타이식 민주주의 (Thailand in 2017: The Resurgence of "Sarit Model" and Thai-Style Democracy)

  • 박은홍
    • 동남아시아연구
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    • 제28권2호
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    • pp.213-247
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    • 2018
  • 2017년에 들어와 타이 대중들은 쁘라윳이 이끄는 군사정부에 등을 돌렸다. 군사정부가 약속했던 민주주의의 회복, 국민화해, 부패척결, 경제성장과 같은 공약이 지켜지지 않았기 때문이다. 그럼에도 2017년에 들어와 쁘라윳 군사정부는 국제적으로 위신을 회복하기 시작했다. 특히 2014년 쿠테타를 강력하게 비난하면서 민정 이양 압박 차원에서 외교적 제재를 가했던 미국과의 관계개선이 이루어졌다. 쁘라윳 총리의 미국 방문과 트럼프 대통령과의 우호적 회담이야말로 큰 성과였다. 유럽연합(EU) 역시 타이와의 관계회복을 공식화했다. 물론 이러한 긍정적 신호는 서방국가들이 2017년 와치라롱껀 국왕의 신헌법 승인과 반포에 따른 헌정체제 회복에 의미를 두었기 때문이다. 10월 말에 있었던 푸미폰 국왕 장례식에 미국 등 전세계에서 조문사절단을 보냄에 따라 장례절차를 관장한 쁘라윳 총리로서는 엄청난 외교적 소득을 얻었다. 그러나 쁘라윳 총리는 2017년에도 임시헌법 44조에 의거해 절대권력을 행사했다. 개혁을 위해 이 절대권력을 행사할 것이라는 군사평의회 국가평화질서위원회(NCPO)의 주장에도 불구하고, 국내외 인권단체들은 무소불위의 이 법이 국민들의 인권을 제약하고 책임성이 결여되어 있다고 비판했다. 여기에다가 오랜 역사를 갖는 국왕모독죄가 현 군사정부 하에서 정치적 행동을 제약하는데 적극적으로 활용되고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 쁘라윳 총리는 극히 보수적 개념인 '타이다움'에 근거한 '타이식 민주주의'를 지속적으로 옹호하였다. 이때의 '타이식 민주주의'란 대중의 의사에 기반하는 민정(民政)보다는 '좋은 사람'(콘디)으로 얘기되는 영웅이 이끄는 훈정(憲政)이다. 이 점에서 쁘라윳 군사정부를 '싸릿모델'의 부활로 볼 수 있다. 그러나 쁘라윳 군사정부가 2017년에 내건 4차산업혁명으로의 진입을 준비하는 '타이 4.0' 프로젝트가 개인의 자율성을 억압하는 부활한 '싸릿모델' 하에서 과연 성공을 거둘 수 있을지 귀추가 주목된다.

고려.조선시대의 수학과 사회 (Mathematics and Society in Koryo and Chosun)

  • 정지호
    • 한국수학교육학회지시리즈A:수학교육
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    • 제24권2호
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    • pp.48-73
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    • 1986
  • Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

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고려.조선시대의 수학과 사회 (MATHEMATICS AND SOCIETY IN KORYO AND CHOSUN)

  • 정지호
    • 한국수학사학회지
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.91-105
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    • 1985
  • Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

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선조대(宣祖代) 공신초상(功臣肖像)의 복식 고찰 (A Study on the Costumes of Meritorious Vassals' Portraits in the reign of King Seonjo)

  • 이은주;김미경
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제52권1호
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    • pp.120-147
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    • 2019
  • 연구는 현전하고 있는 선조대 공신 초상화를 임란 이전과 이후로 나누어 초상화에 표현된 복식 양상을 초상화와 관련 유물, 문헌자료를 토대로 살펴본 것이다. 공신초상은 공신 책록 당시에 그려진 공신화상도 있었으나 후대에 그리거나 이모된 것도 있었을 것으로 판단되지만 해당 시기의 모습을 어느 정도 보이고 있다고 판단되는 경우에는 연구 대상에 포함시켰다. 공신초상은 사모와 단령, 품대, 흑화로 구성되는 의례용 단령인 흑단령 차림으로 묘사되어 있었다. 흑단령 관복을 분석하기 위해 사모의 높이와 모정의 형태, 양각(兩角 사모뿔)의 형태와 문양, 단령의 문양과 무의 양식, 단령의 옆선 처리방식과 흉배 품대, 단령의 받침옷인 답호(??)와 철릭[帖裏]의 색상, 흑화 등을 살펴보았다. 임란 이전 광국 평난공신 초상화는 한응인(韓應寅) 초상화(1점)가 분석 대상이었는데 사모는 조선시대 사모 중 가장 높은 높이였으며 사모뿔에서는 당상관 이상만 사용할 수 있는 운보문(雲寶紋)을 확인할 수 있었다. 흑단령은 '밖주름무'가 달린 만자운문(卍字雲紋)의 아청색 단령에 운안흉배(2품)가 달렸다. 허리에는 학정대(종2품)를 띠고 있었는데 학정대는 "국조인물고(國朝人物考)"에 기록되어 있는 자헌대부(정2품) 품계와 일치하지 않았다. 당상관용 홍색 답호와 녹색 철릭의 단령 받침옷, 그리고 흑화 등을 확인하였다. 임란 이후 호성 선무 청난공신 초상화는 이항복(李恒福) 초상화를 포함하여 18점을 분석하였다. 사모의 높이는 이전 시기보다 낮아졌고 운보문의 사모뿔은 상대적으로 넓어 보이는 형태였다. 흑단령은 '뒤뻗침무'가 달린 만자운문의 아청색 단령이었으며 흉배와 품대는 공신 책봉 당시의 품계와 거의 일치하였으나 2점(신잡 김새신)의 예외가 있었다. 따라서 공신초상은 책봉 당시의 품계로 그리는 것임을 재확인하였다. 흑단령의 받침옷 중 녹색 답호(11점), 남색 답호(4점), 다홍색 답호(3점)가 확인되었으며 철릭은 남색(10점), 녹색(6점), 홍색(1점), 유청색(1점)으로 확인되었다. 그러나 삼공신의 흑단령 받침옷으로는 임란 전과 동일한 당상관용 홍색 답호와 녹색 철릭으로 표현되는 것이 옳다는 견해를 제시하였다.

조선 세종대 삼물회(三物灰) 도입에 따른 석실릉 구조개선과 의의 (A study on the significance and structural improvement of the stone chamber tomb by the application of a compound lime - Mortar during the reign of king Sejong in the Joseon Dynasty)

  • 신지혜
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제55권1호
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    • pp.223-242
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    • 2022
  • 본 연구는 세종대에 삼물회를 조선왕릉에 도입하게 되는 과정을 살펴보고, 1446년(세종 28년) 영릉의 구조적 변화가 갖는 의미를 살펴보는 데 중점을 두었다. 조선초 왕릉은 고려의 석실릉을 답습하여 조성하였다. 조선왕릉으로 처음 지어진 신덕왕후의 정릉은 고려의 공민왕과 노국공주의 정릉·현릉을 건립한 경험을 갖고 있는 김사행이 주도적으로 건립하였다. 이후 박자청이 이어받아 조선 초 석실릉을 건립하였으므로, 고려의 석실구조를 기반으로 조선왕릉이 조성되었다고 보는 것이 적절할 것이다. 그러나 성종대의 『국조오례의』에 기록된 석실의 구조를 살펴보면 고려의 것과는 매우 다르다. 뿐만 아니라 『세종실록』에 기록된 태종과 원경왕후의 석실제도와도 다르다. 가장 큰 차이는 석실에 삼물회를 도입하여 구조적인 보강을 시도하였다는 점이다. 이러한 변화는 1446년(세종 28년) 소헌왕후의 국상으로 영릉(英陵)을 건립할 때, 석실 내에 물이 스며들거나 고이지 않는 밀실한 구조를 만들고자 했던 세종의 의지를 반영한 것이다. 1446년 세종과 소헌왕후의 합장릉으로 조성된 영릉(英陵)과 1452년에 조성된 문종의 현릉(顯陵)은 석실구조 바깥에 삼물회격을 추가로 시공한 석실과 회격의 복합구조체이다. 이것은 1468년(예종 즉위년) 세조의 유교에 따라 석실을 폐지하고 회격만으로 현궁을 만드는데 구조적 기반이 되었다. 즉, 영릉과 현릉의 구조에서 내부의 석실구조를 제거하고, 바깥의 회격만을 시공함으로써 회격 현궁이 조성된 것이다. 이로써 조선왕릉은 『국조오례의』에 기록된 석실과 회격의 복합 구조체인 회격석실릉에서, 석실을 제거하고 회격만을 조성하는 회격릉으로 정착하게 된다. 이러한 전개과정을 살펴볼 때, 1446년(세종 28)에 삼물회로 만든 회격구조를 석실에 결합한 회격석실릉은 조선만의 특별한 석실구조이며, 조선왕릉의 지하구조가 회격릉으로 변천하게 되는 기반이 되었음을 논증한다.

A Study on Emperor`s Costumes during the Reign of Gun-ryung in Ching Dynasty

  • 최경순
    • 복식문화연구
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    • 제7권5호
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    • pp.33-45
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    • 1999
  • Examine the dress which the Emperor actually wore in Gun-ryung 42nd year of Ching dynasty, comparison of 《Cheong-hoi-jeon-do》 with the Emperors year-round dress in Gun-ryung the 41st year was made and summarize the result as follows. It was used almost similar to the code of 《Cheong-hoi-jeon-do》. Though the materials and colors were more diverse than those of the previous year, it seems that actual use of material was plain under the influence of mourning. All the materials for summer hat were rattans. And velvet was the material for the patrol hat, but actually used before they change to summer material after fur use was over according to the season, which can be said as more reasonable use than the code. Materials of coat were more diverse than the precious year and also they put on ko-hemp cloth which was not found in the previous year. This can be understood that they expressed their guilt-consciousness to the dead as dress material by wearing ko-hemp cloth during the summer after periiod of mourning was over. And they put on the ko-hemp, the Emperors ordinary dress, much longer time than the previous year and this seems to be coherent to the meaning of wearing ko-hemp cloth. They followed the Emperor\`s Jo-bok1 one for the Kae-bok which were not systematized and Jae-dae used Jo-dae2 as the Emperor\`s Jae-bok in 42nd year. This was the same as the Jae-bok code of the previous year. Jo-ju did not follow the code of 《Cheong-hoi-jeon-do》, but made a wide variety. For the belt, the same as 41st year, it marked the gem decoration style on the Jae-bok belt as a square type and mourning dress by using the round type. The Emperors dress in 41nd year showed one side of the patrol clothes by the patrol of San-dong. On the contrary, it was also the chance to see one side of funeral garments in 42nd year. In Gun-ryung 42nd year, the Emperor put on the funeral garments for hundred days. Accordingly even in parts, we can see that the Emperor wore two kinds of dress for hundred days, that is, color dress and white dress and white dress. While on duty, in other words, everyday dress was only blue color and also the same color for the belt and shoes. But didn\`t put on Jo-ju. When they were in mourning, they wore white dress and belt as a funeral garments, which were called Hyo-bok, Hyo-bok.

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조선 말기 괘불(掛佛)의 새로운 도상(圖像) 전개 (The evolvement of new composition of painting in Gwaebul (Buddhist Ceremonial Painting) at late Joseon dynasty)

  • 이은희
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제38권
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    • pp.223-284
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    • 2005
  • 조선시대 말기인 1885년에서 1926년에 조성된 괘불은 18점이 현존하고 있는데, 그 중 12점이 서울 경기지역 사찰에 소장되어 있다. 조선 초기의 능침사찰(陵寢寺刹)과 원찰(願刹)은 왕실의 후원을 받았으나 태종의 오교양종(五敎兩宗)의 혁파로 인해 불교의례의 규모가 축소되면서 사찰도 피폐해졌다. 그러나 18세기 말부터 다시 왕실과의 밀접한 관계를 유지하면서 존속해온 사찰은 다시 번창하게 되었다. 국내 외의 사회적인 혼란했던 이 시기는 국가 및 왕실의 안녕을 빌고 망자(亡者)의 극락왕생을 위한 대중적인 사상이 괘불에서는 새로운 경향으로 나타나게 되는 것이다. 괘불에 보이는 새로운 도상은 1853년 남호당 영기(南湖堂 永奇)(1820~1872)가 삼각산 내원암에서 판각 간행한 ${\ll}$아미타요해경(阿彌陀要解經)${\gg}$ 권수 판화에 그려진 아미타삼존도로부터 시작된다. 고려 말에 유행한 수월관음도의 재등장은 망자추선(亡者追善)과 제난구제(諸難救濟)의 역할과 허응당 보우의 〈수월도장공화불사여환빈주몽중문답(水月道場空華佛事如幻賓主夢中問答)〉이라는 도량의식의 '수월도양공화불사(水月道揚空華佛事)'의 허상과 망상이라는 도량의식, 극락세계에 왕생하기를 기원하는 만일회의 성행 등이 괘불 도상과 연관되면서 새로운 도상 출현은 조선 말기 괘불에 새로운 이슈로 나타난다는 점이 주목된다. 괘불의 화풍도 진하고 탁하고 채색과 음영법, 초본을 여러 번 활용한 동일한 도상에서 중앙집권적화된 화사계보를 형성하고 있다는 것도 이 시기의 특색이라 할 수 있다.