• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.215-254
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• 2017

In the study of divining art, Hoche(互體) plays vital roles in the composition of Goaes(卦) and interpretation of Sutras, but the reality is that the research effort for Hoche has been poor along with the perception of its utilization. This study set out to investigate connections among Bongoae(本卦), Hoche, and Hoche of Hoche(Hohoche互互體) and thus shed new light on the importance of Hoche in the composition and interpretation of Yi. 64 Goaes belong to 16 Hoches, which should belong to 4 Hoches. 4 Hoches Jungcheongeon(重天乾), Jungjigon(重地坤), Suhwagije(水火旣濟), and Hwasumije (火水未濟). That is, one can make 6 Hoikgoaes(劃卦) by extracting Hoche from the 6 Hoikgoaes comprised of Hoche of Bongoae, and they converge on 4 Goaes of Geon (乾), Gon(坤), Gije(旣濟), and Mije(未濟). The present study named Hoche of Hoche Hohoche and argued that there should be some consistent connections in the interpretation of meanings of these 4 Hohoche Goaes and their respective Hoches and Bongoaes. Focusing on the discovery of common meanings among the Hoches and Bongoaes of "Danjeon(彖傳)" and" Daesangjeon(大象傳)" of Hohoche. Book of Changes begin with Jungcheongeon and Jungjigon and end with Suhwagije and Hwasumije. The Hohoche of 64 Goaes(卦) are concluded into these 4 Goaes, which indicates that the 4 Goaes have supervision over beginning and ending and that all the Goaes between them operate within the categories of 4 Goaes. The content of "Danjeon" and "Daesangjeon" in Hohoche holds certain semantic connections in the interpretation of Hoche and Bongoae restored to Hohoche and points to the directionality of the interpretation. Those findings open a window for investigating Hoche with the core principle of Goae formation in Book of Changes and imply that Hoche holds important significance in the interpretation of the Book.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.379-408
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• 2017

What I wish to show in this paper is the moral educational implication on "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" in a position to consider the alternatives about personality education problems by searching viewpoints on moral training theory on the book. "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" was written by Dasan Jeong-yakyong(茶山 丁若鏞, 1762-1836). In the oriental philosophy, a moral training theory is built on the base of human nature theory. Dasan's moral training theory was also built on his human nature theory. Undoubtedly we could consider that his difference from the moral training theory of Confucianism is reflected in his moral training theory putting stress on practice. Dasan criticized the moral training theory of Confucianism because of its static aspect contemplating mind internally. He stands on the position that the virtue can be come true by the concrete practice. The establishment ground of Dasan's moral training theory is on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說). Dasan didn't consider benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom(仁義禮智) as human nature. He considered that the human nature prefers goodness. So there is no perfect human nature or principle originally to human beings but also directionality to be displayed. We can say that the virtue building by cultivation of directionality get connected to moral training theory. Dasan considered ?The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)? as a practice book for moral training which develops individuals' personality through practice in the reality. He thought that the book cause individuals to follow 'the elementary way(小道)' and to learn 'the elementary art(小藝)' more than academic pursuit. From this viewpoint he showed the practice(行事) of judgment(權衡) by keeping the attitude for the scripture interpretation to pursue the right principles(義理) based on Chinese exegetics(訓?) and the historical evidences(考證) through the whole book. And in the book he suggested the standard of the whole-person education to develop the human nature based on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說), to cognize relationship as an ethical existence, and to pursue the harmony with graphonomy(字學) and Ethics(道學). So we can regard that he realized his practice centered moral education philosophy in the book.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.9-44
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• 2017

Seonsaengan(先生案) is the predecessor's lists. The list includes the names of the predecessor, the date of the appointment, the date of return, the previous job, and the next job. Therefore, previous studies on the local recruitment and Jungin (中人) that can not be found in general personnel information of the Joseon dynasty were conducted. However, the status and classification of the list has not been achieved yet. So this study aims to clarify the status, classification and data characteristics of the list. 176 books, are the Joseon dynasty lists of predecessors, remain to this day. These lists are in Jangseogak(47 cases), Kyujanggak(80 cases), the National Library of Korea(24 cases) and other collections(25 cases). Jangseogak has lists of royal government officials, Kyujanggak has lists of central government officials, and the National Library of Korea and other collections have lists of local government officials. However, this paper focuses on accessible Jangseogak list of 47 cases. As I mentioned earlier, the Jangsaegak lists are generally related to the royal government officails. This classification includes 18 central government officials, 5 local government officials, and 24 royal government officails. If the list is classified as contents, it can be classified into six rituals and diplomatic officials, 12 royal government officials, 5 local government officials, 14 royal tombs officials, and 10 royal education officials. Through the information on the list, the following six characteristics can be summarized. First, it can be finded the basic personal information about the recorded person. Second, the period of office and reasons for leaving the office and office can be known. Third, changes in the office system can be confirmed. Fourth, it can be looked at one aspect of the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty through the previous workplace and the next job. Fifth, it is possible to know days that are particularly important for each government. Sixth, the contents of work evaluation can be confirmed. This is the reality of the Joseon Dynasty, which is different from the contents recorded in the Code. Through this, it is possible to look at the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty. However, in order to carry out a precise review, it is necessary to make a database for 176 lists. In addition, if data is analyzed in connection with existing genealogy data, it will be possible to establish a basis for understanding the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.153-184
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• 2017

During the Pre-Qin(秦) Dynasty era, there were the records that there had been many calendar systems, such as $g{\check{u}}-li{\grave{u}}-l{\grave{i}}$(古六曆 : six ancient calendar systems). Then, the fact that particularly $zh{\bar{o}}u-l{\grave{i}}$(周曆) and $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) were mainly discussed among them resulted from a lot of discussions from the differences in the calendar system in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)" known to have been written by Confucius from the calendar system in "$X{\acute{i}}ng-xi{\grave{a}}-zh{\bar{i}}-sh{\acute{i}}$(行夏之時 : implement the calendar of Ha dynasty.)" that Confucius mentioned himself to his disciple. $zh{\bar{o}}u-l{\grave{i}}$(周曆) with $d{\bar{o}}ngzh{\grave{i}}-yu{\grave{e}}$(冬至月 : the 11th month of the lunar calendar) as the first month of a year had the system of the lunar calendar, and $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) called as the calendar of Ha(夏) dynasty had the system of $ji{\acute{e}}-q{\grave{i}}-l{\grave{i}}$(節氣曆 : a kind of the solar calendar that divides one year of 365 days into 24 solar terms) with $y{\acute{i}}n-yu{\grave{e}}$(寅月 :one month from the present Feb 5) as the first month of a year. These two calendars had definite differences in the first months of a year, names of seasons, and the lunar calendar and the solar calendar. The fundamental reason why Confucius recommended the performance of $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) as a way to run the nation was not that it started from the philosophical view of the universe that among the 'three $zh{\bar{e}}ng$'(三正)' of $ti{\bar{a}}n-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(天正 : the first month of a year with the heaven as the standard), $d{\grave{i}}-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(地正 : the first month of a year with the earth as the standard) and $r{\acute{e}}n-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(人正 : the first month of a year with humans as the standard), but that he wanted to emphasize the importance of practical national economic policies to enhance agricultural productivity. It becomes the criterion that even though Confucius emphasized that politicians should not have moral flaws ideally, with regard to public policies, he wanted to stress politicians' duties based on the reality a lot.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.261-286
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• 2018

It is possible to communicate with objects in various styles, but especially the poem[詩], the ode[賦], the inscription[銘] are remarkable. The word is not the mouth, but the mind and the soul. Therefore, if a person is in a relationship with an object that defines the person, what conversation with the object is the person's inner. So if you know what a person has been with things, you can imagine his outer surface, and you can get inner if you know what you talked about. Seo Kyung-duk who lived a poverty life, but can not live without things, so his things are not a thing, Seo Kyung-duk also recorded especially about the dojookjang[bamboo cane], the buchae[fan], and the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$[Korean lute] Seo Kyung-duk with the buchae, Seo Kyung-duk with the dojookjang, and Seo Kyung-duk with the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$. These are the pictures we can imagine. And I can draw Seo Kyung-duk to talk with those things. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the dojookjang, shows the reality of participating in the rescue of the people's hardships and the stubborn world. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the buchae, is a philosopher who explores the origin of existence with the appearance of realistic preachers who have to wash away the difficulties of the people. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$, is a philosopher who grasps Ki(氣) the phenomenon and the source, the immaterial and the material, the type and the intangible. Both the strings and non-strings are $k{\breve{o}}mungos$. The $k{\breve{o}}mungo$ is strong in ideology symbolizing the Confucianism ideological ideals, and Seok Kyung-duk is also in the extension line. Seo Gyeong-deok, who has seen through the dojookjang, the buchae, and the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$ has a realistic sense of realizing that he should worry about the pain of the world and fulfill a good world. He is a philosopher who pierces the root of existence and can be governed by the logic of Ki(氣).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.331-357
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• 2014

This paper is to examine Okdong Lee Seo's historical view through analyzing Yeokdaega("歷代歌"), Okdong's full-length historical epic. As long as Okdong Lee Seo was a Confucian scholar holding moral cultivation as the highest value, his Yeokdaega is hard to explain separately from the Confucian world view. Okdong's Yeokdaega is a long old-style sino-korean poem consisting of 526 7-syllable verses, yet it considerably differs in structure from other historical epics known so far. Okdong's Yeokdaega consists of two parts: the first narrates Chinese historical facts from the beginning to the fall of Ming dynasty, and the second describes the social irrationality of the time and reveals his strong social criticism. It is very different from an ordinary historical epic piece narrating the orders and disorders and the rise and fall of historical facts. It is thought that Okdong's Yeokdaega was written based on his Confucian historical view. It seems that for Okdong the rise and fall of Chinese historical dynasties did not merely mean historical facts but functioned as a tool explaining the reason for people to persue moral cultivation. Okdong summed up his knowledge of the rise and fall of Chinese historical dynasties, his sharp criticism on social irrationality, and his stimulation about the necessity of moral cultivation, and then created a long 526-verse historical epic Yeokdaega. For the reasons, it is not easy to say that Okdong's Yeokdaega is the result of pure literary activities only for artistry. However, Okdong's Yeokdaega is not inferior to other historical epic pieces written by the time in literary value. Especially, Okdong's Yeokdaega can be said to be more meaningful since it was, over its literary value, not only a tool to strengthen his own study and will but also a educational tool for others around himself.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.39-71
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• 2012

This paper examines Jang Hyeongwang's cultural awareness and the way of practice by focusing on his spirit of humanities in relation to the understanding of territory and bibliographic materials. In fact, this starts from conflicting evaluations on Jang Hyeongwang's way of learning in the field of Korean history. Jang Hyeongwang emphasizes realization of humanity, which is considered as basic framework of culture. He claims the indivisibility of Dao(道) and culture(mun文) by arguing that almighty principle of Dao manifests itself through phenomena of culture. In other words, Dao is the root of culture and, at the same time, culture is the necessary element of making Dao valuable. Furthermore, he insists that realization of human culture is the gist of manifesting the pattern of nature. In this vein, the roles of human beings are so important in creating humanistic civilization. He considers all kinds of human affairs as the contents of humanistic culture, which are contained in six classics. Especially, He says that the moral is reality of human culture and that literature is a literal expression of humanistic spirit. Thus, he criticizes that there are literatures without moral practices. He pays a special attention to his indigenous culture. He links the cultural understanding of geography, which is the foundation of realizing humanistic spirit, to awareness of Korean territory and grasps the territory in the light of topography of geographic power. Thus, he defines it as "Central Field" which bears comparison with China (middle kingdom). With the positive understanding of his country, he insisted that Korean indigenous culture and custom are as much advanced as China and was so proud of the moral characters and norms that Korean people had formed so far. Moreover, Jang truly exhibited affection to Korean literature, which had formed through Korean history. Kim Hyu, one of his students, activates Jang's will to preservation of Korean culture. Over twenty years, Kim completed Collected Record of Korean Literatures(haedong munhon ch'ongnok 海東文獻總錄). Actually, he started the preparatory works for compiling them. We should keep in mind that this compilation was completed following Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. It means that he has cultural awareness of preserving Korean literal heritages. Hence, it can be evaluated as the results of the enhancement of national studies. We have seen that He truly highlights realization of humanistic spirit by insisting the practices of moral values. In fact, his mind is linked to genuine affection to Korean territory, culture and literatures. Such affection can be paraphrased as moral awareness of humanity and its practices. In conclusion, his humanistic spirit should be understood as strong belief on universality of human morality. His cultural awareness of homeland and the will to practices should be considered as cultural pride of Korean intellectual traditions rather than following Chinese culture blindly.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.