• Journal of Information Technology Services
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.101-118
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• 2023

The 'MZ generation' is accustomed to expressing their thoughts and opinions online. As a result, the role of social media in understanding the opinions and public sentiment of the MZ generation has become increasingly important. In particular, the role of social media in understanding the opinions of young people in political contexts such as policies and elections is becoming more significant. Traditionally, in such political situations, various institutions conduct opinion surveys to grasp the opinions of the people. However, existing opinion surveys have many errors and limitations in understanding the specific opinions of the entire population since they are conducted on arbitrary individuals through survey techniques. Online communities are representative social media that share the opinions of the public on specific issues such as politics, economics, and culture. Therefore, online communities are widely used as a means to supplement the limitations of traditional opinion polls. In particular, the MZ generation is familiar with online platforms, and their political support has significant influence on election results and policy decisions. With this regard, this study analyzed the relationship between the sentiment reflected in online community text data by age group on major candidates and public opinion survey support rates during the Korean presidential election for those in their 20s. The analysis showed that negative sentiments reflected in online communities by the MZ generation have a negative correlation with public opinion survey support rates. This study contributes to theory and practice by revealing a significant association between social media and public opinion polls.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.50-57
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• 2015

An online survey was conducted to assess motivations for using, reliance on, and perceived credibility of political blogs and microblogs during both the Taiwanese general election of 2009 (the blog epoch) and the presidential elections of 2012 (the microblog epoch). Results indicated higher reliance on and motivation for using political blogs than microblogs. Blogs were also perceived to be more credible than microblogs. Respondents who primarily engaged in blogging for information purposes were more likely to judge candidate blogs as highly credible, whereas interest in entertainment emerged as the strongest predictor of the perceived credibility of microblogs. This research also provided quantitative evidence showing how users viewed blogs and microblogs differently in the context of political campaigns. The aim is to explore the pros and cons of blogging and microblogging as a tool for political communication.

• Survey Research
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.25-48
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• 2011

In this paper, we overview the sample design, sampling error, non-response rate and prediction errors of the exit poll conducted for 2010 local elections and discusses how to detect a prediction bias in exit poll. To investigate the bias problem in exit poll in regional(Si-Do) level, we analyze exit poll data for 2007 presidential election and 2006 local elections as well as 2010 local elections in Korea. The measure of predictive accuracy A proposed by Martin et al.(2005) is used to assess the exit poll bias. The empirical studies based on three exit polls clearly show that there exits systematic bias in exit poll and the predictive bias of candidates affiliated to conservative party (such as Hannara-Dang) is serious in the specific regions. The result of this study on systematic bias will be very useful to improving the exit poll methodology in Korea.

• Survey Research
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.23-43
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• 2009

The purpose of this paper is to explain characteristics of panel data and display the academic cases using panel data. Panel data have merit to control various variables to influence respondents' attitude and estimate the effects of independent variables researchers are interested in by surveying the same respondents several times. However, panel data also have problems such as contaminating the respondents and reducing the number of the respondents as survey conducted several times. In spite of a few inherent problems of panel data, informations that panel data provide are valuable and some research themes could not be possible without panel data. This paper investigates the relationship between interest in elections and voting. Electoral stimulation such as watching TV debates influences the consistent voting intended. But changing nonvoters who had voting intention but not vote are not influenced by the electoral stimulation.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.27 no.6
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• pp.1003-1016
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• 2014

Proper missing data imputation is an important procedure to obtain superior results for data analysis based on survey data. This paper deals with both a model based imputation method and model estimation method. We utilized a Bayesian method to solve a boundary solution problem in which we applied a maximum likelihood estimation method. We also deal with a missing mechanism model selection problem using forecasting results and a comparison between model accuracies. We utilized MWPE(modified within precinct error) (Bautista et al., 2007) to measure prediction correctness. We applied proposed ML and Bayesian methods to the Korean presidential election exit poll data of 2012. Based on the analysis, the results under the missing at random mechanism showed superior prediction results than under the missing not at random mechanism.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.259-289
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• 2004

In this study, the use of mainstream online news site and alternative online news site were compared in the aspects of users' characteristics, attitude on online news sites, and using pattern. A survey was conducted for 182 mainstream-only users, 46 alternative online news users, and 47 both sites users, Also, their traffic data of online news sites were analyzed during the 16th presidential election. As a result, it was found that both sites users had the highest political interest and the most progressive political position among the user groups. In the aspect of users' attitude, mainstream-only users were most positive to the mainstream online news site and both sires users were most positive and more involved in alternative online news site. But all user groups set higher credibility on alternative online news site than mainstream online news sire. In the comparison of user size, mainstream online news site has larger user size than alternative online site. However, the user royalty, such as time per person, pages per person, and visiting days per person, was lower than that of the latter. These results suggest thar small but differentiated news sires have royal users, and online news users be segmented according to news contents.