• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2006.06a
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• pp.37-38
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• 2006

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.691-709
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• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.599-619
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• 2008

Korean peninsula has a long history and a geopolitical location as a buffer tone, which has provided the conditions for cultural dynamism and diversity across space and time. The changing processes of place names in Korea is considered to be better suited to the study on cultural politics that is interested in the culture wars over the meaning of culture among different social subjects. In order to ensure the legitimacy of cultural politics for the study of place names in Korea, this study attempts to make a theoretical construction based on the concepts of place identity, territorial contestation, and the politics of scale. Cultural and linguistic theories to be best applied to the study of place names in Korea are the theories on Angehm's and Castells' identity, $P{\hat{e}}cheux's$ identification, Hall's decoding, and Voloshinov's ideological sign. Power relations involved in the inclusion and exclusion are necessarily concerned with the process of constructing a place identity or territorial identity by means of a place name, which represents identity and ideology of a social subject. In the examination of this process, it is necessary to take the elements of identity, ideology and power relations into consideration. In this study, therefore, the politics of scale is experimented for its applicability in the study of place name in Korea, which is expected to accommodate concepts of boundary, territory, territoriality and territorialization. In the end, it is suggested in this study that a series of basic and interdisciplinary studies on the cultural politics of place names in a range of area should be undertaken along with the enough theoretical knowledge of cultural politics.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.64 no.3
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• pp.469-481
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• 2018

When literatures and cultures encounter their counterparts in terms of the big data or statistics of a new reconfiguration in the cognitive map, the tangential points of the borderland will be reduced to what Mitchell calls "a mere abstraction on a map," which nevertheless will provide a vast interstitial zone of "intersections, competition, and exclusions." This zone will be the dynamic vortex for the aesthetics, politics, and ethics of cultural translation. The translated discourse will engage in carrying across the disturbing region of untranslatability and demonstrate how the literary texts of world literature reveal enriching but threatening human experience. This dynamic border of vortex will construct the translational space of world literature, transcending the fragmentary untranslatable nature of the hybrid convergence of the ethnic, racial, cultural and national intermixtures and constructing what Pascal Casanova terms "The World Republic of Letters." In this paper, I will demonstrate how the very concept of scale is related to literary space as well as how distance creates a poetics of literary landscapes which looks ahead of world literature. Also, I will attempt to find the possibility to relate the "micro-scale" with the "macro-scale," and to construct the scale politics of representation. "Glocalization" is a convenient theoretical tool for the double movement of the up-scale and down-scale.

• Asian Journal of Business Environment
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.1-12
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• 2022

Purpose: This study mainly aims to investigate the connection between job satisfaction and organizational citizenship behavior of bank employee. Another objective of this study is to check out the mediating impact of perceived organizational politics of bank personnel on the connection between their job happiness and citizenship behavior. Research design, data and methodology: Snowball sampling is utilized in this study, which is done among bank personnel at different public and private banks across north-eastern region of Bangladesh as well as information is accumulated through the use of a five-point Likert-scale questionnaire. IBM SPSS v22, Andrew F. Hayes process macro v3.5 and SmartPLS 3 are used to complete descriptive and inferential statistics. Results: The study results explore that employees' political perception has a negative influence on organizational citizenship behavior where bank employees' job happiness has a positive impact on structural citizenship manners and negative impact on perceived organizational politics. Surprisingly, perceptions of organizational politics were found to have an insignificant mediating effect on the connection between job satisfaction and organizational citizenship behavior. Conclusions: The present study reveals that satisfied bank personnel shows positive and constructive actions toward their organization where their political perception has an insignificant mediation.

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2006.06a
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• pp.45-46
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• 2006

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2004.05a
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• pp.71-71
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• 2004

본 논문은 세계화를 외부의 힘에 의해 국가나 지역에 부여된 거부할 수 없는 과정으로 인식하는 전통적 견해를 비판하면서, 세계화가 다양한 지리적 규모에서 이루어지는 여러 가지 정치, 사회, 경제적 과정들 사이의 복잡한 상호작용을 통해 물질적이고 담론적으로 구성된다는 세계화에 대한 다규모적 (multi-scalar) 입장을 제시하는 것을 목적으로 한다. (중략)

• World Technopolis Review
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.240-255
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• 2013

The recent interest in regions represents a rise of the new regionalism. Three competing theories provide the frameworks of explaining the ascendance of regions as the meaningful vessel of territorial economic and political processes. They are the orthodox new regionalism, the new politics of scale, and the relational topology of networked actors. Referring to these theories, this paper assesses the establishment of cross-provincial Area-wide Economic Regions (AERs) in Korea. The findings indicate that AERs represent a radical shift to a new regionalism. However, it is misconceived to see their ascendance as the orthodox new regionalism, as they marginally fit the hollowing-out of the state thesis. Nor they show distinct features to which the politically-inflicted regionalism is attributed. In consequence, AERs represent the emergence of a new regionalism that is consequent of the unique politico-economic context of Korea, say, a most centralized state-society combined with the neoliberalizing policy process emanating from the globalization pressures.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.110-122
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• 2010

This article is to study the characteristics of Chungju geographical names using the concepts which are the place identity, the politics of scale, and the competition of place names' territory for the diverse study methods of geographical names. According to this results, the new name of 'Suanbo-Myun' revealed the place identity, because it has not only the property of 'Suanbo hot spring' but also the three conditions called 'the numerical solitary', 'the qualitative identity', and 'the self-identity' which are the conditions for the place identity. In relation to the politics of scale through place names, the example of scaling up is 'Yian-Myun' which is former name of 'Chungju city Yiru-Myun', and the cases of scaling down are 'the up and down of Chungju Up Ho', the reductional change from 'Chungju-Gun' to 'Chungju-Myun' and the change of Chinese name of the 'Wolak Mountain'. Lastly, the examples of place names' territory change are two types. One is 'Chungju Yongdu-Dong' and 'Yiru-Myune Geumgok-Ri' for the cases that the place name and its territory were changed. The other is 'Dalchon river' that the place name's territory was only changed. In conclusion, this study suggested that place names are useful in order to represent and construct the place identity.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.717-748
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• 2022

This study was conducted to develop and validate the social media anxiety and anger scale(SAACS), which measures emotions, especially anxiety and anger that can be contagioned to individuals, through posts and comments on social conflicts in social media. A literature search was conducted on social conflicts in social media, 12 factors(anxiety and anger about gender, crime, generation, wealth gap, politics, region) were selected. Then questions were developed after looking into previous literature and reviewing community posts and comments, and 105 preliminary questions were selected. Following the results of exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis for people aged 20 to 39 age group, SAACS was revised to 12 factors(anxiety and anger about gender, crime, generation, wealth gap, politics, and region) and 48 questions. When verifying the validity, the SAACS had a significant level of correlation with the SNS addiction tendency scale, Rosenberg self-esteem scale, Korean aggression questionnaire(K-AQ), and the state-trait anxiety inventory(STAI-X). SAACS showed no significant correlation with Korean emotional contagion scale(K-ECS). Finally, based on the results, the implications of this study and suggestions for future studies were discussed.