• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.279-310
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• 2008

In this research, the writer investigated the thought in realism and view on education appeared in the text, GUANZI("管子") roughly. The thoughts and contemplation in GUANZI mostly contain practical issues of politics, law and economy, as well as military policy and also get involved in the education pursuing an organic relationship therewith. In GUANZI, the rule of law and morality were applied to the politics in a harmonious fashion. Although the text upheld agrarian-oriented policy in connection with nation's economy, it, however, succeeded to secure the national wealth by having implemented the polices concerned with industry and commerce in an appropriate manner. In addition, he established strong military organization through political stability and by securing economic strength. In short, this is the policy in order to pursue 'a rich nation with a strong military.' Under such situation, education made a positive contribution to meet the realistic needs in order for reinforcement of politics, economy, and military. In the level of moral education that will set right the decorum and proprieties of the people, and their loyalty and integrity, vocational training that enabled the four divisions of society, that is, the official class, farmers, artisans and merchants, to carry out their given jobs successfully was highly valued in GUANZI. These are substantial efforts in order to establish the order of community by means of putting emphasis on people's morality and loyalty, and also to create the public weal through reinforcement of producing activities of each class of society. After all, the realistic thought and view on education appeared in GUANZI can be understood as an expression of strong will to accomplish national prosperity and military strength in order to overcome disturbing situations in the society in those days.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.127-150
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• 2018

Although Wangfu's Tian-Ren relations theory could not be free from the influence of the religious understanding of the Yinyangwuxing theory, which was prevalent in the times of two Hans, due to the limitations of the times, it refers to human status and capabilities here and there of the "Qianfulun" and traces of attempts to enhance humans' ability to preside and attempts to dilute the powers of Tian(heaven) and God can be found. In addition, the fact that the theory shifted the focus of the administration and politics of the state from Tian(heaven) to the people can be also said to be highly worthwhile. Of course, when seen from philosophical, political, social, and economic perspectives, Wangfu's primary concern can be said to have been the stabilization of people's livelihood. The influence and contribution of Wangfu's ?Qianfulun? as such on the aspects of political and philosophical thoughts in the society at the time can be said to be comparable to those of Wangchong. Although there are the limitations of the situations of the times faced by Wangfu that made him unable to surpass the standardized paradigm of the Tian-Ren response theory, when seen from other perspectives, the fact that he severely criticized the confused social conditions at that time unlike other intellectuals in the confused situations at the end of the East Han Dynasty period can be said to be worth affirmation. The fact that Wangfu, who tried to work on the basis, the stabilization of the people's livelihood, concentrated most of his energy on overcoming the situation of national internal and external troubles such as breaking down the bad customs of operating the national administration by religious notions such as natural calamity or superstition instead of trying to solve the problems of the times from the academic and ideological aspects as with Wangchong can be also said to be valuable in itself. In addition, Wangfu naturally became to take the lead in breaking down deeply superstitious notions such as the Yinyangwuxing theory and the Chanwei theory while he was conducting studies on how practical problems could be overcome facing the situations in the turbulent period.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.211-266
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• 2019

Films of the 1960s in both Korea and Egypt share many common characteristics. These include the main trend of such films' in addition to some of the political situations. This trend mainly relates to the adaptation of novels into films. In the late 1940s, Andre Bazin wrote his ideas about a similar phenomenon in Europe and the United States. Based on Bazin's thoughts and other examples for films adapted from novels in the 1940-60s, I found that the trend in both Korea and Egypt can be explained as an international phenomenon, in which film developed to a further stage due to a dialectic between content and form after the increase in the development of film techniques. The trend in Korea is believed to have led to the so-called golden era of Korean movies, while in Egypt films adapted from literature were not able to earn high profits, even though in a 1996 list of the best 100 Egyptian films, 23 had been adapted from novels. To explain the reasons behind this phenomenon, I looked into the internal demand from filmmakers themselves to further develop the industry through the articles written at that time. In addition, I explored the different situations and policies that influenced film production in both countries in the 1960s. I found that political situations and policies could have helped in the continuity of such trend, but it is difficult to consider these as the main reason for its creation, in contrast to the internal demand, which I believe is the main reason for the creation of such direction.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.10-25
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• 2015

The purpose of this research is to investigate the reality behind Jeongjo's enjoyment of the palace garden. If I were to summarize the results of this research, they are as follows: First, The 'Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)' has the differentiation which decided and regularized the rules and the regulations with the annual meetings for the Kyujanggak(奎章閣). Jeongjo had held the events five times. Second, The 'Seshimdae(洗心臺) Excursion' is based on the tragic personal history of Jeongjo. There were four events. Third, Jeongjo had enjoyed the 'viewing of the waterfall(觀瀑)' of the Okryucheon(玉流川) where a lot of the water overflows right after it rains. This is worth the special mention with regard to the point that it is a temporary landscape and not an usual landscape. Fourth, As an event for the military officers, the 'Seoljungryonghohwe(雪中龍虎會)' was held seven times. This event had been held in the middle of the winter. And each of the attendees skewered a pheasant and roasted and ate it. Also, it emphasized the sovereign and the subjects being the partners of the joys and the sorrows by giving the alcoholic drinks and the music. Fifth, Jeongjo had consoled the hard work by the civilian subjects either by holding the brazier feast(煖爐會) in the winter or by granting the alcoholic drinks and the foods according to the historical facts of the brazier feasts. Sixth, Jeongjo was good at archery and enjoyed it. During the period of his reign, Jeongjo held twice Yeonsarye(燕射禮). Seventh, Jeongjo soothed his desire to get out of the busy everyday life at the royal palace garden. While appreciating the natural landscape of the backyard, he was awakened of the meaning of the Book of Changes(周易) in which all the things had been created and changed. Eighth, At the royal palace garden, Jeongjo actively prepared the place for enjoyment by the sovereign and the subjects together. It is judged that this is because, in order to materialize his political ideals, the support by all the subjects who had been close was needed. The limitation of this research is the fact that the research had been proceeded with limited to the translations, among the many old writings related to Jeongjo. With the accumulation of the excavations of the new thoughts and of the results of the translations, the researches that are deeper will be needed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.52-64
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• 2015

This study was carried out investigation of characteristics palace gardens representing historical background, political and cultural identity in Korea, China, and Japan. It had been done a comparative analysis in formation, location and site layout, site composition, landscape elements and planning, landscape technique and vista for palace gardens in East asia's three countries. In order to process this study, Changdeokgung Palace in Korea, Summer Palace in China and Sento Imperial Palace in Japan were selected based on similar status. therefore it provide theoretical foundation to investigate the identity of palace gardens in three countries. Furthermore the study determined homogeneity(similarity) and heterogeneity(differentiation) of the characteristics between palace gardens in three countries through the in-depth comparative analysis in order to investigate identity of palace gardens in three countries and to present the value of Korean palace garden. Homogeneity and heterogeneity between palace gardens in three countries deducted from the study were summarized as follows; First, it shows indigenous style of Korean garden throughout adapting natural terrain without natural destruction. Second, various symbolic elements which ie reflected East asian ideologies present in the gardens. Chinese thoughts and technique were influenced in the development of palace garden in Korea and implemented in similar ways of China. Homogeneity of utilizing waterscape could be found in three countries. Lastly, Palace garden in Changdeokgung had played a role as cultural place with taste for the arts rather than representing authority of the throne. It appears to be similar in China and Japan. The reason how Korea, China and Japan established their own independent style is that each palace garden had been developed to embrace indigenous culture with introduced elements even though they were closely bound up with culture.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.123-144
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• 2006

Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.

• Broadcasting and Media Magazine
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.85-98
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• 2005

About the phenomenon of being imaged of everything, the scholars of the humanities who had studied on the simple reason structure in a text have been in a big agony how accept it. Especially, semiologists have studied about this for a long time and the points at issues of Saussure, Peirce as well as Umbeto Eco are more outstanding. Being based upon his philosophic interesting from medieval esthetics to modern semiotics, Eco was very concerned about the field of general esthetics and poputar arts like television and cartoons. He connected the mutual open-relations between 'signifier' and 'signified' debated in Semiotics with the open and vague modern arts and regarding it as a deviation from the custom, intensively studied the film-media. Saussure is a representative figure of semiotics and explained Sign and the character of semiotics as the division into two parts such as signifier/ signified, form/ substance, langue/ parole, synchrony/ diachrony. The triadic semiotics (the theory that Sign is composed of the triadic structure like sign, referent and interpretant) of Peirce put the new item- 'interpretant' in sign and referent to connect them and open the possibility to introduce time in to the Sign. In this paper, I try to analyze a cartoon film in the semiotic structure with the systemic, reasonable and logical approach and analysis as as possible. While the images shown through a film were depended on the romantic and impressional judge in the past, due to semiotics, it' s quite possible to correlate the procedure of symbolization to social coherence so that we analyze the incredible power of images to suck audiences with the systemetic Sign. I accept all ot film-images including a cartoon film as not the simple esthetic arts but a social custom and system, want to serve as a aid to properly understand world and humanbeings and prevent the film-image from being mystic. A cartoon and a cartoon film which were begun with the link of a text and an illustration give shape to all of images such as materials, places and even thoughts with a cartoon icon existed in only a cartoon. A cartoon and a cartoon film simply and exquistely conceptualize the complex and vague attribute of an organic creature and extend them infinetly beyond language. However, it can be exploited as a mysticism to temptate the general public and a faking material. In addition to that, it can distort our world-knowledge engaging a political power and the massive power of mass media. In this paper, being based on semiotics to approach a cartoon film in a scientific and organic system, I conclude that a non-linguistic cartoon expression is entangled with the manifold signs and implies the supplementary meanings just like a regular linguistic expression. It remarks that the iconic images of a cartoon film are composed of the social codes and can be analyzed on grounds of a linguistic system.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.123-133
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• 1981

If we are to define that the traditional costume is a comprehensive expression of the culture, thoughts, and arts of a country, it is needless to say that the traditional costume would have always reflected the social and cultural aspects of the times. In order words, the cultural contemplation of a certain people at some point the history is only possible when we observe the distintive features of the costume worn by the people of respective times. Although the Korean people had the native costume of its own from the times of the Ancient Choson to the Three Kingdoms of Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla, the Chinese influence on Korean traditional costume became somewhat pronounced ever since the Silla strenghtened the political ties with the T'ang dynasty in China, and it came to a climax when the dual structure in Korean native costume, being compounded with the Chinese touch, continued to be prevailed from the era of the Unified Silla to the Koryo and throughout the succeeding Yi dynasty, thereby copying the typical aspects of Chinese pattern in clothing and dresses worn by the ruling classes, namely the goverment officials including the Kings. Therefore, it is our aim to study the pattern of Chinese influence on our traditional costume, as well as social and cultural aspects by way of contrasting and comparing our official outfit system, which had been developing in dualism since the era of the Unified Silla, with that of China, and to trace in part the Korean traditional costume. In comparing our traditional official outfit system with that of China, we have basically concentrated on the comparison of the official outfit systems during the periods of the Three Kingdoms, the Koryo, and The Yi dynasty with that of corresponding era of Chinese history, namely the dynasties of T'ang, Sung, and Ming, and followed the documentary records for the comparison. Koreans had fallen into the practice of worshipping the powerful in China and begun to adopt the culture and institutions of the T'ang dynasty since the founding of the Unified Silla. From this time forth, Korean people started to wear the clothes in Chinese style. The style of clothing during the period of the Koryo Kingdom was deeply influenced by that of the T'ang and Sung dynasties in China, and it was also under the influenced of the Yuan dynasty(dynasty established by the Mongols) at one time, because of the Koryo's subordinative position to the Yuan. At the close of the Koryo dynasty, the King Kongmin ordered the stoppage on the use of 'Ji-Joung', the name of an era for the Yuan dynasty, in May of the eighteenth year of his rule in order to have the royal authority recognized by a newly rising power dominating the Chinese continent, the Mind. Kind Kongmin presented a memorial, repaying a kindness to the Emperor T'aejo of the Ming dynasty in celebration of his enthronement and requested that the emperor choose an official outfit, thereby the Chinese influence being converted to that of the Ming. As a matter of course, the Chinese influence deepened all the more during the era of the Yi dynasty coupled with the forces of the toadyic ideology of worshipping the China, dominant current of the times, and the entire costume, from the imperial crown and robe to the official outfit system of government officials, such as official uniforms, ordinary clothes, sacrificial robes, and court dresses followed the Chinese style in their design. Koreans did not have the opportunity of developing the official outfit system on its own and they just wore the official outfit designated on separate occasions by the emperors of China, whenever the changes in dynasty occurred in the continent. Especially, the Chinese influence had greatly affected in leading our consciousness on the traditional costume to the consciousness of the class and authority. Judging from the results, Koreans had been attaching weight to the formulation of the traditional outfit system for the ruling classes in all respective times of the history and the formulation of the system was nothing more than the simple following of the Chinese system.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.325-355
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• 2012

This research aims to generalize the thoughts of military science of the intellectuals through the books on military arts and science, which were published in the early Joseon Dynasty. In the early Joseon dynasty, it was in a position to establish the foundation in the new monarch internally, and, at the same time, to overcome foreign powers on both northern and southern borders externally. Thus, the books on military arts and science should have to be published under a premise of such situations. Accordingly, the books on military arts and science of those days took account of political stability having reflected the activities not only as the founder of Joseon but also as the military officer in the late Goryeo along with the books' own purpose to found military arts and sciences. The books on military arts and science that published in the early Joseon Dynasty were written mostly based on Chinese military books and its annotations, except some descriptions of the history of war. However, the intellectuals at that time endeavored to redefine military arts and science from the perspective of Confucianism having evaluated Chinese military science books that were biased to boost Machiavellian tactics. As a result of this, the geographical distinctions between China and Korea were the start of an argument for the military arts and science. There were also disputes over the relationships between the military science and the Yin-Yang School, and between the military science and Confucian school. Organizing our country's own history of war for the first time in the early Joseon Dynasty is worth for putting a high evaluation. However, it cannot help but to point out the limits of the books that there are noticeable descriptions about the factors related to toadyism, and that there are no descriptions about the wars against Japanese raiders. The books on military arts and science in the early Joseon Dynasty put emphasis on the commander's leadership that should be good at both literary and martial arts, as well as the harmony in military-to-military relations. After all, the intellectuals in the early Joseon Dynasty had linked the military arts and science to the sages of Confucian school under a premise that scholarship is to be used in combination with martial arts. And, as the nexus between the two, they noted the items of virtue, such as humaneness and righteousness (仁義); ritual and music (禮樂); loyalty and filial piety (忠孝); three fundamental principles (三綱); five moral disciplines (五倫). It can be said that this point is the typical features of the military arts and science in the early Joseon Dynasty, which cannot be found in Chinese military classics.