• Journal of Korean Women's Studies
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.203-231
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• 2014

Political space, the area where politics takes place, is generally treated as a male-centric space. The number of female politicians is increasing, but the core of political space is still dominated by male politicians. Therefore, on the one side, female politicians use masculine rhetoric in order to show that they are equal to male politicians, and on the other side, they use feminine rhetoric like the rhetoric of the First Lady or the rhetoric of motherhood in order to emphasize the differences with male politicians and stress their novelty as female politicians. In this situation, female politicians are confronted with the difficulty that they have to keep a balance between masculine and feminine rhetoric. In this context, this study, in chapter II, analyzes the monopoly of male politicians on political space and the dominance of masculine rhetoric and emphasizes that the political space is strongly gendered. Chapter III examines the possibilities and limits of the rhetoric of the First Lady and of the rhetoric of motherhood which female politicians use in the political space to draw attention to their messages. Chapter IV suggests two strategies to change the situation of the dominance of masculine rhetoric in the political space: the strategy of mainstreaming of women and the strategy of mainstreaming of gender agendas. Lastly, this study emphasizes that we need to develop an alternative feminine rhetoric by paying attention to the diversity of women.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.121-140
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• 2018

Faced with a series of violent confrontations on civil rights in the State of Alabama in 1963, John F. Kennedy gave a formal speech that heralded the end of his unusually long-drawn-out aloofness from the issue. The speech marked a new phase in Kennedy's political leadership as the thirty-fifth president of the United States employed a rhetoric of moral failure, defining the University of Alabama crisis and the ensuing civil rights struggle as a threat to American federalism and national ideals. This paper employs the formal, neoclassical terms of rhetoric to analyze the distinct mode of persuasion Kennedy employs in which the former U.S. president (1) appeals to moral interpretation as a proper solution to the aggravating social situation and (2) puts an interpretation on civil disorder in Birmingham, Alabama as a major threat to national identity, rather than a regional, largely party-political question.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.493-497
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• 2020

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-21
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• 2010

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2011

My essay aims at reading Ginsberg's "Howl" and "Kaddish" with the concept of 'shaman-prophet-poet' to illustrate the dynamic relationship between his poetics and radical politics. Throughout his widely-ranging career, Ginsberg represents himself as a poet-prophet and commands a typical rhetoric of revelation as a way of decentering Cold War orthodoxies. While well aware of the oppressive and pervasive power of the dominant post-war ideologies, he adopts 'madness' to oppose conventional political, social, and religious institutions; by way of entering into the madness of this world and actively engaging himself as a victim, he can finally heal both himself and the world. This dual function of poet characterizes his rhetoric of revelation, but it doesn't appeal to the mainstream of American critical ideology where the post-structural approach to language and subject gives a skeptical look at any account of active human agency and humanistic belief in the possibility of language. In "Howl" and "Kaddish," Ginsburg persuades the reader of the truth of his own vision through the convincing and realistic portraits of his contemporaries as well as his own mother and family. Different from his visionary predecessors such as Emerson and Whitman, Ginsberg knew the difficulty of a negotiation between history and divine vision, and attempted to imbricate his family, friends, and even the larger social and political units within his visionary experience in order to avoid naive idealism, escapism, or solipsism. Furthermore, he deconstructs the Logos of Western prophecy and replaces it with the groundless identity and the nontheistic epistemology of Buddhism, which, in turn, leads to emptying his powerful language of absolutist meaning and prevents his prophecy from becoming re-reified as divine essentialism. Ginsberg's idea of poet and poem revitalizes the skeptical view on language and literary representation of our contemporary critical community which is unwilling to engage the experimental scope of his radical prophecy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.601-623
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• 2014

This paper is to analyze critically policy and discourse of creative economy and creative city. Applying the concept of 'policy transfer' or 'policy mobility', It points out that it may be inevitable for a certain policy or discourse developed in Western society to change its contents and characteristics in its international diffusing process. And then, this paper describes political contexts and process in which the policy and discourse of creative city of a former mayor of Seoul, Oh, Se-Hoon, during the late part of the 2000s, and those of creative economy of the current president, Park, Geun-Hye, have been suggested and pursued, arguing that those policies and discourses, having been distorted and lack of concrete contents, have functioned as a key ruling tool or political rhetoric. In particular, this paper concludes that the policy and discourse of creative economy of the current government would have little positive effect due to excluding intentionally policy of economic democracy and ignoring unintentionally policy of creative city, which seem to have an inherent relationship with that of creative economy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.53-72
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• 2011

has become the representative program of EBS after first airing in 2004. After seeing as a media text, this study was fulfilled on the basis of Bill Nichols' "Rhetoric" discussion, in order to analyze the structural method and social meaning of the program. As a result of the study, we were first able to see that was taking form as a documentary to make a constructive statement on current affairs related to Korean society, by mobilizing 'knowledge' related to these issues. Second, the "rhetoric" plays an important role in the program's process to generate meaning, and despite the text being relatively short, the rhetorical process undergone for the generation of meaning has been fully reflected. Moreover, the program was successfully structuring a new method of generating meaning by enthusiastically raising questions and choosing a unique method of vision mix. Third, by looking at the study's results in-depth, we can see that was creating a ideological place for open discussion, which was providing viewers with the satisfaction of overcoming our society's dominating ideology and forming new ones. In that sense, the easily accessible 'knowledge'that surrounds us holds somewhat of a political meaning. On top of that, it can be seen that the program especially, is a media text that holds a cultural political meaning, which is an important factor to consider in the Korean broadcasting industry. In conclusion, we found out that this program uses 'knowledge' to see the possibility of 'knowledge'journalism by making constructive statements through a 'rhetorical' process.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.37-63
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• 2002

The previous study has assumed that dialogue and debate could not have been activated by the hierachical Confucian norm and political authoritarianism in Korean society. Political democracy has developed in Korean society since 1987. But many observers have pointed out that the culture of debate still remained undeveloped in Korean society. This study assumes that the key factor of determining the quantity and frequency of debate is the polilitical factor such as authoritarianism, but the determining one of qualitative dimension such as debate competence derived from the epistemological tradition. In order to ascertian this hypothesis, this study explored the epistemological basis of Confucian thoughts in comparison with the classical Greek thoughts. In classical Greek society, philosophers considered that the purpose of debate is to find and to ascertain the truth. Bur Confucian scholors didn't look upon questioning the truth. Instead they considered practicing or doing of the truth worthful. Therefore, in a society which were much influenced by the Confucian thought, the culture of debate could not have been developed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.191-197
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• 2021

This study purports to explore potential determinants of welfare attitudes toward universalism vs selectivism. For this purpose, literature review upon such subjects as definitions of universalism and selectivism and welfare attitudes has been done. The hierarchical regression analyses show several major results. First and foremost, the effects of those variables such as political orientation and attitudes toward free education and gratuitous child care, categorized as political-social stance were found to be significant. However, it was unexpected results that those variables which have been found signigicant in predicting welfare attitudes in previous literature, that is to say age, education and economic status especially were not to be found significant in predicting welfare attitudes toward universalism vs selectivism. There could be many underlying causes for this result including measurement errors, and this study strongly speculates that the division between universalism vs selectivism itself exists only both in purely conceptual level and in political rhetoric and therefore, universalism or selectivism as people's consistent and logical attitudes or consciousness may simply not exist at all.