• 제목/요약/키워드: political process time

검색결과 155건 처리시간 0.026초

미디어 생산시간이 미디어 정치에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구 - 독일총선의 TV토론을 중심으로 (Under the Pressure of the Topic Selection and Representation Rules of the Mass Media over the Slow Political Process Time - For Example the Televised Debate to Elections to the Federal Assembly in Germany)

  • 심영섭
    • 한국언론정보학보
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    • 제45권
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    • pp.187-219
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    • 2009
  • 미디어를 통해 정책의제 설정과 정책홍보가 늘어나면서, 정치인과 정당은 미디어의 표현기법과 뉴스 생산조건에 맞춰 나가야 하는 압박을 받고 있다. 미디어의 생산조건에 맞추는 정치로 정치인들은 정책 설명을 통해 국민을 이해시키려 하기보다는 미디어를 통해 자신의 이미지를 알리기 위한 연출기법을 배우는 데 더 의존하게 된다. 정치인들의 연출기법 차용은 효과적인 정책홍보라는 원칙에 위반되지는 않지만, 정치가 미디어의 생산조건에 맞춰나가면서 점점 더 정책의제 설명보다는 이미지 연출에 의존하는 현상이 두드러지고 있다. 폴리테인먼트를 통한 정치연출은 유권자들에게 정치인 개인에 대한 평가는 물론, 정당의 정책수행 능력평가와 대의 민주주의의 정당성 확보에 이르기까지 광범위하게 영향을 미치고 있다. 또한 미디어 생산시간에 맞춘 폴리테인먼트의 강화는 숙의 민주주의의 합리적인 발전을 어렵게 만들며, 연출을 통한 가상정치의 확산이라는 불합리한 현상까지 발생시키고 있다. 이 연구에서는 미디어 생산시간이 정치과정에 미치는 영향을 알아보기 위해 지금까지 두 차례에 걸쳐 실시된 독일총선에서의 TV토론을 사례로 분석했다. 그 결과 미디어의 연출적 요소가 미디어를 통한 정치적 토론은 물론, 정치 커뮤니케이션 전 과정에 걸쳐 영향력을 행사하고 있음을 알 수 있었다.

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Railway Governance and Power Structure in China

  • Lee, Jinjing
    • International Journal of Railway
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    • 제1권4호
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    • pp.129-133
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    • 2008
  • Over the last $15{\sim}20$years, many countries have adopted policies of railway privatization to keep up with increasing competition from road and air transport. Although each country and case has its own history, market characteristics, political context as well as administrative process, railway privatizations (including railway restructure, concession etc.) in the west usually are accompanied with the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Therefore, railway governance has been innovating towards an interaction of government, regulator, industry bodies, user groups, trade unions and other interested groups within the regulatory framework. However, it is not the case in China. Although China had seen a partial privatization in some branch lines and is experiencing a much larger-scale privatization by establishing joint-ventures to build and operate high-speed passenger lines and implementing an asset-based securitization program, administrative control still occupies absolutely dominant position in the railway governance in China. Ministry of Railway (MOR) acts as the administrator, operator as well as regulator. There is no national policy that clearly positions railway in the transportation network and clarifies the role of government in railway development. There is also little participation from interested groups in the railway policy making, pricing, service standard or safety matter. Railway in China is solely governed by the mere executive agency. Efficiency-focused economic perspective explanation is far from satisfaction. A wider research perspective from political and social regime is of great potential to better explain and solve the problem. In the west, separation and constrains of power had long been established as a fundamental rule. In addition to internal separation of political power(legislation, execution and jurisdiction), rise of corporation in the 19th century and association revolution in the 20th century greatly fostered the growth of economic and social power. Therefore, political, social and economic organizations cooperate and compete with each other, which leads to a balanced and resonable power structure. While in China, political power, mainly party-controlled administrative power has been keeping a dominated position since the time of plan economy. Although the economic reform promoted the growth of economic power of enterprises, it is still not strong enough to compete with political power. Furthermore, under rigid political control, social organizations usually are affiliated to government, independent social power is still too weak to function. So, duo to the limited and slow reform in political and social regime in China, there is an unbalanced power structure within which political power is dominant, economic power expanding while social power still absent. Totally different power structure in China determines the fundamental institutional environment of her railway privatization and governance. It is expected that the exploration of who act behind railway governance and their acting strength (a power theory) will present us a better picture of railway governance as a relevant transportation mode. The paper first examines the railway governance in China and preliminarily establishes a linkage between railway governance and its fundamental institutional environment, i.e. power structure in a specific country. Secondly, the reason why there is no national policy in China is explored in the view of political power. In China, legislative power is more symbolic while party-controlled administrative power dominates political process and plays a fundamental role in Chinese railway governance. And then, in the part three railway finance reform is analyzed in the view of economic power, esp. the relationship of political power and economic power.

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승자연합과 부(富)의 확장, 그리고 해군력 (Winning Coalition, Expansion of Wealth, and Naval Power)

  • 박주현
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권41호
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    • pp.174-207
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    • 2017
  • Human history shows diverse strategies for survival and prosperity. This study introduces the concept of the expansion of wealth as a key to explain choice and behavior of political entities. American scholar, -Bruce Bueno de Mesquita-, offers theoretical grounds for this concept in that the cores of selectorate theory is settled. The political entity consists of two groups, -the winning coalition that has power to replace leader and non-winning coalition that has not. Leaders implement policies serving for the welfare of winning coalition in return for their loyalty. Both internal problems caused by demographic changes and external ones of climate changes, epidemic disease, or invasion compel leader and winning coalition to adopt policies of expansion that they believe may lead to the acquisition of wealth needed to counter those problems. The process starts by occupying one spot where other entities reside and then connecting it to its own. The line between spots functions as a foothold to form a new line to other spots. By repeating this process, a space is created in which new laws and orders are instated. In the early stage of expansion, war is hardly avoidable. Once finished successfully, the political circumstance tilts to encourage economic activities in order to generate national revenues to strengthen political power of winning coalition. However, as scale of economic activities grows, so does political power of civic classes in production and trade. To gain financial support required to run the political entity, delegation of power or bestowing autonomy to non-winning coalition is inevitable. Thus, expansion is not the ultimate solution, only to prolong the political survival if succeed. Maritime power came to attractive option when overland expansion had become obstructed. It offered much greater advantages in terms of political risks and financial burdens in exploring new regions of precious commodities than overland expansion. Each political entity around world have been, for the first time in human history, connected by maritime means since 15th century. It is worthy of noting that land conditions propelled people out to sea. Political and economic situations created opportunities to exploit geographical position in pursuit of wealth. In the 21st century, we witness the operation of international winning coalition that presides over the rules of expansion. Competing for market is synonymous to the expansion in this era, the cause and aim of it has not been changed though. Energy and dollars are key factors of expansion since the end of the 2nd world war. No matter what the forms and conditions change, naval power is still the most relevant means for expansion as it retains unique characters of maneuver, flexibility, continuity, display and projection of power. The strategy for using naval power should be in line with two different approaches for expansion: Approaches to the international winning coalition by making contribution to world order, and approaches to the non-international winning coalition by enhancing military diplomatic activities. The former will serve our share of winning coalition while the latter will open chances to acquire further prosperity.

민족혁명과 시민혁명: 타이와 미얀마 (National Revolution vs. Civil Revolution: The Comparison between Thailand and Myanmar)

  • 박은홍
    • 동남아시아연구
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    • 제24권2호
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    • pp.127-165
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    • 2014
  • This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

Scottish Highland Dress 의 변천에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Development of Scottish Highland Dress)

  • 송미경
    • 복식
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    • 제50권2호
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    • pp.141-149
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    • 2000
  • The origin and developing process of Highland Dress as a Scottish national dress has been discussed in this study. Parameters affecting transformation process of Highland Dress from regional to national dress over the modernization period during 19 C was analyzed and compared by sociological aspect. Anthony Giddenss social change was applied and divided into three main factors such as political , economic and cultural analysis. The basic requirement of the theory of social change is visual recognization of any cultural changes. Highland Dress as a Scottish national dress has established during modernization in Europe within short period(18C -early 20C) and the Highland tartan as a military dress was transformed to be a civilian dress during 19-20 C. It shows social changes affecting on costume pattern and eventually costume in particular time could be an indicator of social changed. Throughout the study of the functional role of costume in Scotland is able to clarify the understanding of acculturation phenomenon through cultural, political and economic changes.

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다중흐름모형을 적용한 서울형 유급병가 정책 도입과정에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Policy Decision Making Process of Seoul-Type Paid Sick Leave: Applying Kingdon's Multiple Streams Model)

  • 정현우;박소현;손민성;정혜주
    • 보건행정학회지
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    • 제30권3호
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    • pp.286-300
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    • 2020
  • In 2019, the Seoul metropolitan government established its own 'Seoul-type paid sick leave project'. Although the central government had to introduce such a system, which is also called sickness benefits, it was not implemented. In order to understand the process by which the Seoul government has implemented such a policy, this study used Kingdon's multiple streams framework. As a result, in the problem stream, it was found that the economic burden of sickness has been considered only in terms of medical expenses in the past of Korea. Then Songpa's three women and Middle East respiratory syndrome incidents raised awareness of the necessity of the sickness benefit system in 2014 and 2015. In the political stream, several social affairs such as national health insurance huge surpluses and the 2017 presidential election opened policy window. At that time, Seoul Mayor actively promoted sickness benefits as a policy entrepreneur. In the policy stream, the sickness benefit system has gained new attention through political events. To summary, these three streams flowed separately and then they assembled around huge political affairs. As a result, it was confirmed that Kingdon's model is the most effective theory than any other models in analyzing the health care policy decision process in Korea.

대통령 우표에 나타난 취임, 업적에 따른 정치지도자 휴먼이미지 분석 -한국의 이승만, 박정희, 전두환 대통령 우표를 중심으로- (Analysis of Human Image of Political Leader According to the Inauguration and Achievement Shown in the Presidential Stamp -Focusing on the stamps of Korea President Seung-Man Lee, Jeong-Hui Park, Doo-Hwan Chun-)

  • 김미리;장성호
    • 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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    • 제19권3호
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    • pp.302-312
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    • 2019
  • 우표는 그 시대를 읽을 수 있는 가장 작은 이미지 상징물로 발행국의 역사와 문화, 정치 또는 기념이 될 만한 시대적 인물과 사건들이 함축되어 있다. 특히 역대 대통령 기념우표 속에는 한국의 현대사가 녹아 있으며 역사적으로 대통령 우표에 담긴 의미를 재조명하고 고찰하는 것은 정치 지도자의 이미지를 연구하는 연구자로서 간과할 수 없는 의미를 갖는다. 본 연구는 지면 광고와 우표를 통한 정치지도자 홍보 빈도가 높았던 제1공화국에서 제5공화국까지 연구 범위로 하였으며 한국의 역대 대통령 이승만, 박정희, 전두환 취임, 업적 기념우표를 중심으로 지도자 이미지 형성과 변화 과정을 연구하였다. 시대 변화에 따른 정치지도자 이미지 해석을 위해서 오스굿의 '의미변별척도법'을 사용하여 이미지를 분류하였으며, 소쉬르의 '기호학'을 이용하여 이미지를 분석하였다. 이미지는 계속 살아서 움직이고 변화하고 있으며 당대의 정치지도자 이미지가 단순한 개인적인 이미지 구축이 아닌 특정한 그 시대의 시대상을 반영한 사회적 산물이라는 결론을 도출하였다.

수산자원조성사업의 합리적인 평가체계 도입 방안에 관한 연구 (A Study on Establishing the Evaluation System of the Stock Enhancement Program)

  • 김대영;류정곤;이정삼
    • 수산경영론집
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    • 제41권1호
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    • pp.1-24
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    • 2010
  • The main goal of the study is to propose an objective and standardized evaluation system of stock enhancement programs. In order to achieve this goal, the study first suggested the need for stock enhancement program evaluation system through the review of current status and problems. Second, the study identified possible problems of the existing stock enhancement program evaluation by reviewing domestic and foreign evaluation systems. Finally the study proposed a new evaluation system and implementation plan of it. This study also classified the program evaluation criteria into ex-ante evaluation and ex-post evaluation according to the evaluation point in time, and applied the economic, political and technical feasibility tests into the evaluation of the stock enhancement program in order to solve the current problems of the evaluation. The evaluation process of the stock enhancement program is composed of an evaluation system design, estimation of weights using the analytical hierarchy process, design of estimation standard, conversion of scores and final summary of the evaluation. The central government takes the lead in the evaluation of the regional (metropolitan city or province) projects and the regional government is in charge of the evaluation of the local (city or county) projects. For the implementation of the ex-ante evaluation, either the regional or local governments ask for the evaluation and then submit an evaluation plan and other necessary documents to the upper level governments. The ex-post evaluation is then carried out by the upper level governments.

통일 독일의 도서관 통합 과정과 통일 후의 준비 과정에 관한 연구 (A Study of the German Library and Information Policy After the Unification of East and West Germany)

  • 노문자
    • 한국문헌정보학회지
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    • 제28권
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    • pp.135-165
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    • 1995
  • When the unification process was established, West German librarians formed a commission for all library and information sectors. After legal unification, the committee formed 6 Arbeitsgruppe(AG) to develop library and information policies for the country. This was designed specially to elevate the level of the East German library system to the West German standard. The first AG concerns the public libraries. The second AG focuses on the education system for library and information specialists. The third AG examines the academic libraries. The fourth AG reviews the regional and national library services and the central organization. The fifth AG explores library and information techniques. The sixth and final AG inspects the legal problem of libraries. Each AG consists of specialists from both East and West German library systems who are experts in their particular subject area. The committee has general meetings to determine the best direction for the nation's library system. Common knowledge indicates this unification was based on economical amalgamation(fusion) from East Germany to West Germany. The unification resulted in the library and information recommendations tending to favor the more advanced West German policies. In this process there are a number of subtle ideological and psychological problems. If before the separation they had developed their library system as one entity, they could overcome the current differences. with much less confusion. In this political phenomenon we can learn that cultural unification needs more time than political unification.

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How could make people work for everyone? : City governance to activate social services in 1950's Shanghai neighborhood

  • Sohn, Jang-Hun
    • Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.65-85
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    • 2020
  • Examining how the CCP operated social services in Shanghai neighborhood[linong] in early 1950s, this article reveals the hidden relation between social service and rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954. One of the main purpose of 1954 rectification was to guarantee provision of grassroots level of the city by recruiting local cadres, the implementers of social services. Though series of social service, such as night patrol, cleaning and public charity were indispensable for residents' life and welfare(fuli)[福利] of neighborhood, the social services was the something most of the Shanghai residents were reluctant to do. The result was the shortage of human resource for social service, triggering the "nominal position(gua ming)[掛名] " phenomenon. During political rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954 Shanghai Municipal government tried to solve this 'decline of human resource in social services' problem by attracting the unemployed to the position of basic level cadre. To be specific, it demanded jobless person in neighborhood to be registered in time if they want a job placement. And it used that registration as the nominee of cadre in re-election process of the rectification campaign. The government measures were closely related to Shanghai people's inclination to rely on party-state when they try to get a job. Hence political rectification in neighborhood organizations become the strategic tool of city governance to mobilize residents in operating social services. So this article suggests that the CCP's urban governance was a complex and nuanced process to induce urban residents' interest and voluntarism beyond the suppression-oriented totalitarian perspective.