• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.87-92
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• 2018

This paper aims to investigate political stances of news producers or news organizations by analyzing editorials from two Korean newspapers, Chosun Ilbo and the Hankyoreh, which are totally different in ideology, both qualitatively and quantitatively. In particular, the headlines from 16 editorials and 14 editorials from the two newspapers respectively published from May 28 to June 27 were analyzed in terms of political stances to a U.S-North Korea Summit. Moreover, two editorials published right after the U.S-North Summit were quantitatively analyzed within Martin and White (2005)'s framework. As a result, it was found that Chosun ilbo showed a negative stance to the summit by employing the 'feeling' factor within an attitude component most frequently, whereas the Hankyoreh was overwhelmingly positive toward the issue and the dialogue expansion factor within an engagement component is most frequently used to deliver its positive stance toward the issue.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

The recent changes in Korean elections are mainly characterized as the downfall of the Conservative party. It is surprising, considering that the conservative party gained the historical support from the electorate in 2012, just several years ago. This paper claims that the downfall of the Conservative party is mostly derived from the perceptual conflicts and inconsistencies in the mind of the conservatives. The findings show clearly both attitude conflicts for the conservatives and its effect of asymmetrical (in)activation of participation. As their preferences to the conservative candidate and party became weaken, the conservatives remained to be inactive participants in elections. On the other hand, the liberals could make political decisions easily, having popular candidate and preferable political party. It suggests that, in order to participate, the electorate needs attractive candidate as well as parties to support in election. To revive as an active political actor, the conservative party should focus on the search of attractive candidates for the conservative electorate and reform the party in accordance with ideological preference of the electorate.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.44
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• pp.117-145
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• 2001

This paper attempts to assess the impact and implication of globalization on social welfare in Korea. It is no easy task to give an exact definition of globalization and the concept has been used in many different senses, that is, economic, social, cultural, political globalization. In particular, the meaning of globalization is connected to the rise and expansion of neo-liberalism. Globalization tends to undermine national welfare systems by the social dumping, race to the bottom, privatization of social services, labor market flexibility. On the other hand, in many studies the negative impact of globalization on social welfare has been questioned. Instead of end or erosion of the welfare systems, it is emphasized that competitiveness and welfare may go hand in hand. We investigate the question what and how the social welfare system in Korea has been changed in globalization process. In order to answer, this paper examines the changes in welfare ideology, welfare programs, social stratification level after economic crisis. The result of analysis is that in contrast to globalist expectations which is to retrench social welfare, paradoxically, the welfare system in Korea has been reinforced in globalization process. Therefore, the alleged impact of globalization on social welfare will be independent on the structure of domestic institution, political legacies, and on the socialization of global politics such as IMF, World Bank, ILO, UNDP, etc., on the welfare politics of stakeholders in national state.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.529-538
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• 2021

This article aims to describe the institutional structuring strategy of independent smallholders in accelerating sustainable economic development, by taking the example of the cow-coconut integration system (SISKA) problem in Sialang Palas Village, Riau. The method used identified stakeholders related to SISKA; the stakeholder's goals and interests, farmers' social and institutional bases, and self-help farmer socio-economic networks. First, identification of various factors through strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) analysis techniques. Second, through the Modern Political Economy analysis technique. Third, imparting knowledge and skills to the farmers and village officials through a collective learning process in utilizing natural resource waste and social resources. The results showed that the farmer management strategy in the reform era started by clustering the interests of farmers. The dynamics of structuring group relations between the chairman and members with farmers outside the group are the basis for strengthening the local ideology of independence in the future. This institutional structuring strategy that focuses on access to farm power in the village decision-making process encourages a more integrated work of farmer organizations. The analysis above shows that the independent smallholder institutional engineering through regulation, organization, and resources are determined by the farmer household economic factors and the application of the value of local wisdom.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.139-149
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• 2014

This study attempts to explore the inter-media agenda setting effect between television and Twitter based on the framework of the two-step flow theory. Twitter's increasingly important role in political communication can be effectively addressed by examining the process by which Twitter users form their opinions on television debate program. Content analyses of Twitter discussions after television debate of the Korean presidential candidates provided interesting insights into how Twitter's opinion leaders reflect on the televised debates. The results show that Twitter mentions rather focus on personality traits of the candidates while television debates emphasize the candiates' policy issues. Specifically, Twitter users mainly concentrated on the political ideology and morality of the candidates. In sum, Twitter seems to have its own way of influencing the public opinion separately from the television.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.297-323
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• 2010

The distinguished feature of the economic relationship between China and Africa during the cold war is the one that there was economic point of view at all even though such a huge trade between the two countries. It was caused by purely ideological and political purpose of China. because of the giant stream of time which is called as 'the cold war', it has been replaced with other conceptions: 'aid' or 'support.' Since the end of the cold war, however, the relationship between China and Africa has been showing noticeable features; political and ideological purposes are getting less meaningful or excluded completely. In 1990, China was based on the pragmatism, which is a rigorous sense of economy, and Africa was getting popular as an emerging market, which is not only performing as a stable energy supplier but also making trade and direct investment is possible. Also, it has implications for Korea that seriously considers putting more efforts into expanding its influence on all over the trade relations which includes investment and import-export in the emerging market: Africa.

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.287-296
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• 2012

This study is analysis of the existing domestic terrorism factors and suggest countermeasures for political leadership that can occur to the precautionary terror occasion of the presidential election approached 100 days in the future. Political terror caused mainly achieved peak of Ideology or social conflict by Politically alienated class. Common cause is most likely to occur when the party or the government want to attack a target or can not stand disadvantaged and lose that I suppert the party or the government. 21st century political terror is occurred with Misfits of complaints expressed or social conflict more frequency than attack used random people, new weqpon and bomb. It is interpreted that issued as a drastic measure from individual complaint because of increased polarization of wealth by separate into group and fallen law and order but also we are not familiar with the political compromises. Personal safety escort mission is essential condition of political activity that Absolute personal protection and to come up with a large number of voters for best result. Thus security guard ought to professional security activity depend on gathered situation, location and regional feature for perfect protection service.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.435-444
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• 2022

There are three focuses in the paper. Firstly, the study identified what channels were most viewed by YouTube users to watch the 'Daejang-dong scandal,' which was the most powerful agenda to influence the candidate preference among voters during the 20th presidential election. Secondly, the study analyzed whether the political tone of the first videos was in line with that of the subsequent videos. Finally, we compared the sentiment of comments on the first and subsequent videos. The results showed that TBS 'News Factory' and 'TV Chosun News' represented liberal and conservative factions, respectively. Secondly, the political tone of channels that were viewed subsequently was neutral, but the conservative channel users left more negative comments and that was significant statistically. In addition, about 80% of the conservative and liberal channel users shared the same political tendency with the channel they watched first, and more than 90% of the comments left at the subsequent videos in line with that of at the first news. Based on these results, the study concluded that the voters tended to seek political news that was similar with their political ideology, and it was considered a sort of echo chamber phenomenon on the YouTube. The study suggests that the performance of high-quality journalism by traditional news outlet might contribute to decrease the negative influence of political contents on YouTube users.