• Informatization Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.53-71
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• 2024

Digital transformation calls for a new social contract that must transform the existing norms and paradigms of our society. Digital constitutionalism is a way of building new order through a new social contract and is an ideology that aims to establish and ensure a normative framework for the protection of fundamental rights and balance of power in the digital environment. The Internet/Digital Bill of Rights is a representative example of constitutionalization based on this ideology. Initially, it took the form of an informal, non-binding declaration led by civil society organizations or various stakeholders, setting forth normative principles adapted to the changing nature of digital society. More recently, they have taken the form of formal charters, declarations, or laws containing principles at the national or regional level. The "Digital Bill of Rights" proposed by the Korean government can be seen as an example of this trend, but it does not fully reflect the recent trend of Internet/Digital Bills of Rights in terms of substantive and procedural legitimacy. Even if the government provides a certain normative direction, it needs to be combined with a concrete action plan in each area to create a balance of norms with digital technologies and industries instead of simply being a "declaration".

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.291-326
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• 2004

This study explores the process within which whereas the majority of Korean people agree on the principle of the unification policy, the opinions about the concrete policy alternatives related to the principle do not converge. To account for this phenomenon, a.k.a. 'the principle-policy puzzle in public opinion', this study constructs and tests a covariance structural model with the explanatory variables such as political knowledge, political ideology, authoritarian personality, social distance, and the evaluation of the president. In addition, the interaction effects of the interpretive frames regarding the unification policy and political knowledge along with the main effects of socio-demographic variables are tested to explain the degree to which people show the gap between the agreements on the unification principle and policy alternatives. A sample of 600 Seoul people are recruited to provide the data for the analysis of structural equation modeling. Ie was found that the proposed model receives empirical supports from the data. In particular, political knowledge and authoritarian personality play key roles in accounting for the complex process of public opinion in the 'principle-policy puzzle'. The findings were discussed in terms of the representations of the Engagement policy in the mass media and the public perception of them.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.61
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• pp.118-133
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• 2013

Lee Yeung-Hi is one of the most influential journalist in the modern history of Korea. Nevertheless, the judgement about him has been parallelized by opposite sides. He is called 'the Master of ideology', while the other calls him 'the culprit of theorization'. This thesis deduced the contemporary meaning of person Lee Yeung-Hi in order to promote communication for both sides. I compared their logical arguments and pointed out the error they missed. Also, I clarified that the criticism and anticriticism for Lee Young-Hi in the fields of both journalism and academia have fallacies, such as the fallacy of straw man, and the fallacy of question-begging. I criticized their arguments through the view of 'struggling to seek truth', which is the core value of Lee Yeung-Hi's thought. The necessity of communication between advocators and it's critics is due to the condition of Korean Journalism. Korean Journalism does not have much space to accept Lee Young-Hi in only one side. Paradoxically, the contemporary meaning of the truth that Journalist Lee Young-Hi had sought is profound and deep because of the condition where Korean Journalism is being dominated by political parallelism.

• Korean Journal of Health Education and Promotion
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.77-95
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• 2005

Objectives: This study measured the extent of local legislators' support for tobacco control policies and identified the predictors of that. Methods: Local legislators, from 21 Gu in Seoul Metropolitan City, underwent a self-administrated questionaire during the 6-week period from December 1, 2004 to January 15, 2005. Multiple linear regression model was used to assess relationships between five groups of variables(political factors including political ideology, personal characteristics, tobacco experiences, tobacco knowledge, contact with local health officers) and support for tobacco control policies based on an 11-item scale. Results: The rates of support for 'penalizing merchants who sell cigarettes to minors' and 'instituting a law mandating that parents should not smoke in a car when children are present' were highest as 87.5% and 82.0% respectively, and those for 'increasing price of cigarettes' and 'regulating stores that sell cigarettes' were lowest as 52.2% and 51.7% respectively. Support was higher among local legislators who thought government had a duty to promote healthy life styles, knew second-hand smoke could cause lung cancer, knew tobacco caused more deaths than alcohol. Support among ex-smokers and nonsmokers was higher than current smokers. Conclusions: The findings indicate that local legislators who oppose tobacco control measures may not be opposed to tobacco control per se, but are more generally opposed to a government role in health promotion, Thus, Tobacco control advocates need to be more attentive to the way tobacco control issues are framed for particular legislators. Further, they could work to increase tobacco knowledge among local legislators.

• The Journal of Industrial Distribution & Business
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.27-34
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• 2020

Purpose: North Korea is a very close country geographically and culturally, but the nation has been one of the most secretive countries in the world. However, in recent years, North Korean society has been known to rapidly change its economic environment as well as its diplomatic and political environment. Since the gaining power of Jong-un, Kim in 2012, the North Korean government has implemented a new set of economic policies. North Korea has embraced limited market systems and mechanisms that have become a part of the formal planned economy. This study is concerned with the recent changes in the market and marketing activities of the communist country. It also seeks to gain an understanding of the changing market behavior of North Korean consumers. The purpose of this study is to enhance understanding of the market environments of North Korea and to provide appropriate implications for practitioners and researchers. Research design, data and methodology: Academic access to information that can understand North Korea's reality is minimal. Therefore, this study was conducted based on a qualitative analysis of secondary data. The existing literature on North Korea, related news and reports were the basis of the analysis. Analysis of secondary data related to North Korea was the main methodology of the study. Results: The official ideology of North Korea rejected most aspects of marketing, and yet there were marketing activities in North Korea. This article focuses on the development of market and marketing activities in North Korea during the recent years. This study indirectly confirmed that the market function is being activated in North Korea, and the basic functions of marketing such as advertisement, price, and distribution are being formed. In this process, the activation of the 'Jangmadang(market)' played a significant role. Conclusions: Research shows that North Korea is rapidly developing its own market function. In addition, marketing activities such as advertising and pricing strategies seem to be unprecedentedly active. However, due to changes in the political environment, the future development of North Korea's marketing is still in flux. Efforts to improve mutual understanding through continuous research are required.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.61 no.7
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• pp.35-50
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• 2011

In this study, repression of the body is defined as a restriction on natural developments or movements and a modification either temporarily or permanently of the human body in shape, color, texture and odor. In addition, it involves physical and (or) mental pain. Chinese foot-binding and the Western corset are extreme examples of female body's being repressed in the history of fashion. The analysis of this type of repression will be based on historical research and theoretical concepts such as Darwin's (1809-1882) survival condition, Freud's (1856-1939) renunciation of desire, Weil's (1909-1943) privilege, and Foucault's (1926-1984) L'Usage des Plaisirs(the use of pleasure). Chinese foot-binding symbolically represents ideal beauty, the distinction of an ethnic group, and a desire for improved social status in the struggle for political power. It also represents psychology and a esthetics of eroticism and fetishism that originate from a man's desire and his individual taste. Symbolically, the Western corset represents abundance and fecundity, obedience and devotion to religion, the sanctity of God and ideal beauty as defined by political power. It also represents psychology and aesthetics of eroticism and fetishism as man's desire and a fashion icon. In conclusion, Chinese foot-binding was pursuit of power in male ideology but Western corset was a power struggle between God and mankind.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.29-54
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• 2018

Focusing on vastly different results between two presidential elections in 2012 and 2017, this paper examines how political attitudes of conservative voters had changed in 5 years and how these changes had brought about differences in their vote choices in 2017. Using panel data encompassing two presidential elections, this paper finds that, though ideological and affective evaluation of conservative parties and candidates had indeed deteriorated among supporters of Park Geun-Hye in 2012, it is candidate factors rather partisan ones that exerted much more significant influence on their vote choices in 2017. In addition it is found that the differentiation in political and economic policy preferences among conservative voters had only slight influence on their voted choices in 2017. This paper concludes with discussing how to understand the result of the $19^{th}$ presidential elections and what implications it has in prospecting the party realignment in Korean electoral politics.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2011

My essay aims at reading Ginsberg's "Howl" and "Kaddish" with the concept of 'shaman-prophet-poet' to illustrate the dynamic relationship between his poetics and radical politics. Throughout his widely-ranging career, Ginsberg represents himself as a poet-prophet and commands a typical rhetoric of revelation as a way of decentering Cold War orthodoxies. While well aware of the oppressive and pervasive power of the dominant post-war ideologies, he adopts 'madness' to oppose conventional political, social, and religious institutions; by way of entering into the madness of this world and actively engaging himself as a victim, he can finally heal both himself and the world. This dual function of poet characterizes his rhetoric of revelation, but it doesn't appeal to the mainstream of American critical ideology where the post-structural approach to language and subject gives a skeptical look at any account of active human agency and humanistic belief in the possibility of language. In "Howl" and "Kaddish," Ginsburg persuades the reader of the truth of his own vision through the convincing and realistic portraits of his contemporaries as well as his own mother and family. Different from his visionary predecessors such as Emerson and Whitman, Ginsberg knew the difficulty of a negotiation between history and divine vision, and attempted to imbricate his family, friends, and even the larger social and political units within his visionary experience in order to avoid naive idealism, escapism, or solipsism. Furthermore, he deconstructs the Logos of Western prophecy and replaces it with the groundless identity and the nontheistic epistemology of Buddhism, which, in turn, leads to emptying his powerful language of absolutist meaning and prevents his prophecy from becoming re-reified as divine essentialism. Ginsberg's idea of poet and poem revitalizes the skeptical view on language and literary representation of our contemporary critical community which is unwilling to engage the experimental scope of his radical prophecy.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.6
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• pp.1035-1056
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• 2009

Korean adoptee narratives have proliferated over the last ten years as adopted Koreans have begun to represent their own experiences of violent dislocation, displacement and loss in various forms of literary and artistic works, including poems, autobiographical works, novels, documentaries and films. These narratives by Korean adoptees have intervened in the current diaspora discourse to question further the traditional categories of race, ethnicity, culture and nation by representing the unique experiences of the forced and involuntary migration of adopted Koreans. For a long time, the adoption discourse has been mostly constructed from the perspectives of adoptive parents. Therefore the voice of adoptees as well as that of the birth mothers have not been properly heard or represented in adoption discourse. According to Hosu Kim, the U. S. adoption discourse, feeling pressured to deal with the stigma of the commodification of children, changed from viewing the adoptees as children who had been rescued from poverty and abandonment to considering them as a gift from the birth mothers. With the emergence of the gift rhetoric in transnational adoption, the birth mothers erased from adoption discourse have begun to be acknowledged as one of the central characters in the adoption triad. If Korean adoptees are the "the ghostly children of Korean history," the birth mothers are their "ghostly doubles" who "bear the mark of a repressed national trauma." Somebody's Daughter represents the female experiences of becoming an adopted child and of being a birth mother. In particular, the novel makes a birth mother, the forgotten presence in adoptee narratives, into a central figure in the triangular relationship created by international adoption. The novel historicizes the experiences of a Korean adoptee growing up in America as well as those of a mother who had suffered silently from feelings of unbearable loss, guilt, grief and from unforgettable memories. In addition, narrating the birth mother's story is a way to give humanity back to these forgotten women in Korean adoption history. Revisiting the site of loss both for a mother and a daughter through the novel is an act of collective mourning. The narratives about and by Korean adoptees force Korean intellectuals to reflect seriously upon Korean society and its underlying ideology which prevents a woman from mothering her own baby, and to take an ethical and political stand on this current social and political issue.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.34
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• pp.171-202
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• 2020

The nations of East Asia have similar historical backgrounds in terms of going through modernization during the nineteenth century. All of them commonly experienced socio-political hardships. Three of the most prosperous East Asian new religions, Yiguandao, Tenrikyo, and Daesoon Jinrihoe, all emerged under similar socio-political circumstances during the nineteenth century. There was no mutual interchange, but the cosmological perspectives share some analogous ideology. All of them were types of nativist millennialism. The ultimate goal in all three is redeeming lost elements by magical means-the sudden disappearance of invading forces, the return of mystical heroes or messiahs, and an altered landscape. As Stark said, although it is impossible to calculate the actual rate of success, probably no more than one religious movement out of 1,000 will attract more than 100,000 followers and last for as long as a century. By this standard, these three groups are certainly worthy of being studied. This paper will examine and compare these three groups through four dimensions: the Messiah's eschatology, the re-interpretation of that eschatology after the Messiah's death, the rational transformations of millennial dreams, and the institutionalization of those millennial dreams. Analytically, I could demonstrate the differences among these groups through two dimensions: (1) The dimension of time, which can be conceptualized in terms of this-worldly or other-worldly; and (2) Collective vision, which can be conceptualized in terms of utopia or reform. The cross-classification of these two dimensions is suggestive of the general avenues of Millennialism. Through these comparisons and observations, light will be shed on the essence and dynamics of East Asian Millennialist Thought by exploring deeper cultural implications.