• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.49-54
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• 2015

This study carried out a survey targeting sample of 609 audience panel voters of 15 regions including Seoul during the campaign period of Korean presidential election on December 19, 2012. It was analyzed that how the attitude to the candidate, the support to the policy and the voters'variables affected the vote-getting in the engagement attributes. The analysis shows that high participation of the engagement attributes does not always mean that the political candidate is satisfactory at the political campaign. The fact that high engagement attribute does not always affect the other attributes is interpreted that engagement attributes do not have correlation at the political campaign. And the candidate should approach the voters more carefully as there are differences among the engagement attributes in the attitude to the candidate and the support to the policy. In the engagement attributes, voters show little difference according to gender, region, income and marriage but show much difference according to age and education level. So it will be a principal index in the future political campaign.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.8
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• pp.1-10
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• 2013

Even though the importance of reading voters' share of mind increases in political campaign, there is no research which analyzes engagement in perspective of political campaign. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to calculate political engagement index which is qualitative indicator about political campaign's immersion in candidate in perspective of engagement and provide scientific data for political advertisement and publicity strategy. For this purpose, A and B candidates who ran for 18th president in December 19th, 2012 are selected for subjects of the research. The young people whose voter participations are low in this presidential election are selected as subjects for responding questionnaire and are surveyed. This research is qualitative evaluation which tires to supplement a limit of qualitative analysis of content by surpassing quantitative evaluation including advertisement, promotion, public opinion on politics, ratings, etc. Evaluation attribute is designed to distribute 8 PEI into 0~100 score. If PEI is more than 50, then the score indicates immersion above average. If PEI is lower than 50, then the score indicates immersion below average. The model of the research will contribute to development of methodological research of political campaign strategy. Also, in the future, this model can be used as micro-targeting in each political campaign's election strategy.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.13-24
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• 2014

This study is the first model to apply the concept of media engagement to a political campaign by which the voters' mind toward the supporting political candidates, are read. Thus it provides the theoretical and practical implications to the political campaign, and eventually contributes to the development of democracy. For these objectives, the total of 729 people who have the right to vote were telephone surveyed using the peoplemeter, CATI program in the 18th Presidential Election (12 areas including Seoul) of Dec. 19th 2012, and Re and By-election of April 24th 2013. Research question is to examine how the 5 attributes of the media engagement (interest, immersion, relevance, satisfaction and participation), play a role as the moderating variables in cross-correlation, socio-economic status and media properties. The result shows that of the five properties of media engagement, the relevant factor is the important parameter of mediating variable to the causal relationship. The media usage (TV, SNS, print media), socio-economic status (gender, age, income, marriage and area), involvement and the Presidential Election, and Re and By-election are also effective in the five attributes of media engagement. These results suggest that the a study model can measure the campaign effectiveness. This study will contribute significantly to the development of politics, election, media, advertising, and public relations area as well as to promote interdisciplinary research.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.44-58
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• 2017

Scholars have long debated the factors that drive political participation and have recently applied theories, developed from analyses of citizens from Europe and the United States, to respondents in the democratizing countries of Asia. In both Hong Kong and Singapore, however, citizens attend rallies and contact officials - yet do so under authoritarian governance. Are the causes of political participation in these cities similar to what is observed in other groups of respondents across Asia? Or, do institutions influence whether individuals participate? In this paper, I evaluate the development of liberal norms of engagement in both cities as a function of traditional models of participation. As citizens in these cities possess some of the highest standards of living in the region, they should also face frustrations with the limited democratic accountability of their leaders. Ultimately, individuals in each city have developed support for democracy but, given the differing goals of each regime, the nature of democratic engagement differs considerably. In Singapore, citizens are mobilized to engage and participate but support the status quo. By contrast, engaged Hong Kong residents participate out of a frustration with the government, a function of their high levels of internal efficacy and institutional detachment.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.29
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• pp.147-188
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• 2005

This study attempts to review and evaluate the sociological engagement and media practices of an eminent French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. In the first part of the paper, I presented some characteristics of Bourdieu's view on the sociological engagement. In the second part, I also examined Bourdieu's alternative media strategies(ARSS, Liber, Raisons d'agir) which were designed to intervene effectively in the academy and public sphere of French society. For Bourdieu, the sociological engagement can be conceived and legitimized as follows: first, the talents of the ensemble of 'specific intellectuals' in Foucaldian sense should be combined to constitute a kind of 'large collective of intellectuals' Second, this 'collective of intellectuals' should make 'corporatist' efforts to improve the autonomy of the 'field of cultural production', which is the indispensable condition for the conquest of 'the universal' Bourdieu tried to realize his logic of sociological engagement through all his intellectual works, media activities and political intervention. In appreciating positively the consistency and originality of Bourdieu's theory and practice of engagement, I proposed to reconsider some limits of his 'modern' politics - enlightenment, science, collectivity - in today's 'postmodern condition'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.291-326
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• 2004

This study explores the process within which whereas the majority of Korean people agree on the principle of the unification policy, the opinions about the concrete policy alternatives related to the principle do not converge. To account for this phenomenon, a.k.a. 'the principle-policy puzzle in public opinion', this study constructs and tests a covariance structural model with the explanatory variables such as political knowledge, political ideology, authoritarian personality, social distance, and the evaluation of the president. In addition, the interaction effects of the interpretive frames regarding the unification policy and political knowledge along with the main effects of socio-demographic variables are tested to explain the degree to which people show the gap between the agreements on the unification principle and policy alternatives. A sample of 600 Seoul people are recruited to provide the data for the analysis of structural equation modeling. Ie was found that the proposed model receives empirical supports from the data. In particular, political knowledge and authoritarian personality play key roles in accounting for the complex process of public opinion in the 'principle-policy puzzle'. The findings were discussed in terms of the representations of the Engagement policy in the mass media and the public perception of them.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.355-380
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• 2012

Youth leadership development is crucial domain of youth development. The study was to analyze the influences of youth community participation and organizational engagements on youth leadership development. Community participation of youth was categorized fours factors; service activity, school engagement, conversation participation and political activity. The survey was employed by rural students in Daegu and KoungBuk area. Major findings of the study were as followed; First rural students' community participation of eup-myoun area were higher than that of outside area. Second, rural students' participating community organization of eup-myoun area were higher than that of outside area. Third, youth leadership skill was positively influenced by students school engagement. The study showed that youth leadership is positively influenced by community participation of rural students. The study suggested that rural youth should encourage to participate community organization and community activities for developing youth leadership skill.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.5-20
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• 2013

Social media holds the potential to facilitate vertical political communication by giving citizens the opportunity to interact directly with their representatives. However, skeptics claim that even when politicians use "interactive media," they avoid direct engagement with constituents, using technology to present a façade of interactivity instead of a genuine dialogue. This study explores how elected officials in three regions of the world are using Twitter to interact with the public. Using the Twitter activity of 15 officials over a period of six months, we show that in addition to the structural features of Twitter that are designed to promote interaction, officials rely on language to foster or to avoid engagement. We also provide evidence that the existence of interactive features does not guarantee interactivity.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.101-110
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• 2005

Vivienne Westwood could be placed in a unique position in the contemporary fashion design. She has never belonged in a core group of mainstream fashion designer but not been always in an outsider position. She got from mainstream fashion designer circles enormous appreciation, even established fashion industry was influenced by her fashion design. She began her fashion design with rebellious T-shirts like 'destroy' T-shirt, chicken-bone T-shirt, and nipple-zipper T-shirt, all of which revealed her disgust against establishment. All these T-shirts testify her total negation tendency in her youth. However, she did not continue to keep such a kind of total negation attitude against establishment In 1980s she changed her political attitude towards establishment, and this change also found a reflection in her fashion design. In her pirate-collection the dark image of her fashion in the 1970s changed into a totally different bright image with full of gold colour. Although this collection had radiated brightness, it contained still outsider character from mainstream fashion design. The following fashion design in 1980s and 1990s evolved further on the line of Pirate-collection, but they continued to contain certain outsider characteristics. Vivienne Westwood kept some kind of anti-establishment attitude, and this attitude more or little came to the surface of her design. She was always political and critical to the establishment. In 2005, in her 64, she designed a liberty T-shirt, which showed her political attitude and her engagement in social issues. Also it showed the change from the early total negation to the constructive critical affirmation. In this paper the relation between the fashion design of Vivienne Westwood and her political attitude and the influence of her political attitude to her fashion design is analyzed.