• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.8
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• pp.1-10
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• 2013

Even though the importance of reading voters' share of mind increases in political campaign, there is no research which analyzes engagement in perspective of political campaign. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to calculate political engagement index which is qualitative indicator about political campaign's immersion in candidate in perspective of engagement and provide scientific data for political advertisement and publicity strategy. For this purpose, A and B candidates who ran for 18th president in December 19th, 2012 are selected for subjects of the research. The young people whose voter participations are low in this presidential election are selected as subjects for responding questionnaire and are surveyed. This research is qualitative evaluation which tires to supplement a limit of qualitative analysis of content by surpassing quantitative evaluation including advertisement, promotion, public opinion on politics, ratings, etc. Evaluation attribute is designed to distribute 8 PEI into 0~100 score. If PEI is more than 50, then the score indicates immersion above average. If PEI is lower than 50, then the score indicates immersion below average. The model of the research will contribute to development of methodological research of political campaign strategy. Also, in the future, this model can be used as micro-targeting in each political campaign's election strategy.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2019

This study examined the trends and issues of social media campaign studies from three aspects-campaign strategy, institutional environment regulating the social media, and political effect. Then, this study performed an empirical analysis on the case of the 20th general election in order to discuss the political effect, which has been analyzed the least. Specifically, this study empirically examined the trends of candidates' participation in the twitter campaign, the partial mobilization and voter response, and the platform effect on the election results. The study examined all of the candidates' twitter accounts and traffic and found the following results.-first, the number of participants in the twitter campaign increased significantly compared to the 19th general election, and the campaign was dominated by only two political parties that had more power to mobilize resources; second, it was clearly identified that twitter is a partisan media. where specifically, those in the mainstream of the Democratic Party mobilized much more supporters; and lastly, the twitter campaign has a positive impact on the increase in the rate of votes and chances of winning the election. Particularly, the number of followers and the duration of activities were found statistically meaningful, proving that promotion of networking and social capital is more important in election campaigns.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.79-106
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• 2008

Based on the third-person effect hypothesis, this study conducted a nation-wide online survey to assess how Korean voters perceived the mass media's effect on the candidates' image and voting behavior during the 17th presidential election. The research results showed that the voters tended to perceive that the mass media such as newspaper, television and the Internet had a greater effect on others than on themselves with regards to the formation of the three candidates' images. The third-person effect on the voting behavior was also revealed differently in terms of the medium according to age and political tendency of the voters. For instance, the younger and liberal voters were likely to see newspaper as having a greater influence on other voters' choice of candidate, while the older voters saw TV as having a greater effect on other voters. The conservative tendency did not affect the perception of the voters at all. Another noteworthy result was that personal characteristics of the candidates' images such as appearances and communication skills did not affect the voters' behaviors in the election process.

• Journal of the Korea Safety Management & Science
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.303-315
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to explore the mediator effect of the presidential candidate brand affiliated to the certain party toward enhancing the party brand equity and the presidential candidate brand value. In detail, firstly, the study attempts to identify the determinants of the party brand equity. Secondly, we clarify the factors of presidential candidate brand value. Finally, the paper testifies the proposed mediator model of the presidential candidate brand with respect to the impact of the belonging party brand equity in voting intention. Results show that the mediator effect of candidate brand exists between the affiliated party and the voting intention. In voting intention, the perceived quality of the party brand equity significantly influences on the candidate brand. Brand loyalty and Brand association of the party brand equity don't impact on the candidate brand significantly. In addition, the result proposes the all components of candidate brand value have significant impacts on voting intention. This paper is an initial attempts to regard the political parties and affiliated candidates in terms of brand marketing as the party brand equity and the candidate brand value respectively. With respect to better enhancing an approval rating, the study is proposed to the parties and candidates to-do list and direction of brand equity management.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.10
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• pp.676-690
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• 2022

The present study aims to explore how fallacies, arguments that seem valid but are not, appear in 2022 South Korean presidential debates. It qualitatively analyzes the candidates' remarks in the first and last presidential debates (240 minutes) using 20 formal and informal fallacy concepts as a theoretical framework. Results show that the three candidates used 23 informal fallacies from 15 categories, including the straw man, red herring, begging the question, complex question, hasty generalization, appeal to the masses, and you too. The candidates relied on fallacies to defend their image and electoral agenda from adversary attacks and to contaminate their opponent's image and agenda. The arguers, who struggled with tough questions, frequently made fallacies as pseudo-arguments to avoid the situation without lying and violating election laws. This study indicates that the fallacy system can be a framework for analyzing crucial political content. Moreover, it warns against the abuse of fallacies in TV debates.

• The Journal of Korean Institute of Communications and Information Sciences
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• v.41 no.5
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• pp.602-609
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• 2016

In a smart society, politicians analyze the big data of voters to build a favorable political positions. In other words, a variety of digital footprints uploaded in SNS or Internet are used to set the election strategies and political directions. In comparison, it is difficult for voters to extract intention information about how politicians are performing a political acts. Therefore, it is important that voters need to analyze what intention of politicians are like for two way interaction between voters and politicians. For this, in this paper, we want to do the identification by analyzing IT technologies to narrative styles of politicians who pursue relative advantages or gains compared to other competitors. The experiments will be carried out to identify about what relative advantages compared to other competitors by narrative styles of next presidential candidates who are expected to run into the next presidential election by analyzing the usual audio interviews.

• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.254-290
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• 2018

Why did Kim Jong Un turn his foreign policy upside down in a sudden? US naval blockade became one of candidates for the reason since it had been threatened by Trump administration for the first time in December 2017. Has the blockades worked well like that in the international politic history? This paper reveals the effectiveness of naval blockade on sanctioning in the peacetime. This research analyzes three hypothetical arguments about the naval blockade based on the result of empirical tests with TIES Dataset. First, sanctions by blockading are more effective in gaining political benefits than the other economic sanctions. It was ranked the 4th effective way of sanction out of 9. And 56.3% of pacific naval blockades without packaged economic sanctions were succeeded, whereas the possibility of success increase up to 61.2% when blockade has been imposed in accordance with the other type of economic sanctions. Second, blockades deter military collisions, even war. When it comes to military provocation issue, blockading sanctions gain political interest far more than the other type of economic sanctions. The possibility of the success reaches up to 74%. Also, there wasn't any historical cases of war incurred by blockading sanctions within 5 years after the blockade end. Third, policy makers just need 1.2 years on average to see the end of sanctions when they choose the naval blockade as the method of imposing sanction on the adversary. It is impressively short span of time in achieving political goal compared to the other types of sanctions which are need 9 years on average. North East Asia sea could be the next stage for a naval blockade sooner or later. Because China and Japan not only possess capabilities of blockade but also have will to impose blockades to the others if conditions are set. And even the North Korea with lots of submerging forces could be a blockading threat in the specific area. So, the Republic of Korea has to pay more attention and be prepared for naval blockading sanction.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.147-177
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• 2017

Although a number of empirical studies found that political ideology plays a significant role in Korean elections, they entirely rely on cross-sectional data analysis. In contrast to previous research, this study investigates the effects of ideology in the 2012 Korean presidential election through standard panel data analysis. Specifically, using "EAI Panel Study, 2012", the effects of ideology on both candidate evaluation and vote choice were examined via fixed effects, random effects, and pooled regression analysis. And the results from applying the two most popular models of ideological voting, the proximity model and the directional change model were also compared. The results show that candidate evaluations and vote choice during the election (April, 2012- December, 2012) were significantly influenced by the ideological difference between voters and candidates, independent from partisanship and other standard socio-demographic factors. And this ideological voting during the election seems better captured by the directional change model than by the proximity model.

• Journal of Information Technology Services
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.101-118
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• 2023

The 'MZ generation' is accustomed to expressing their thoughts and opinions online. As a result, the role of social media in understanding the opinions and public sentiment of the MZ generation has become increasingly important. In particular, the role of social media in understanding the opinions of young people in political contexts such as policies and elections is becoming more significant. Traditionally, in such political situations, various institutions conduct opinion surveys to grasp the opinions of the people. However, existing opinion surveys have many errors and limitations in understanding the specific opinions of the entire population since they are conducted on arbitrary individuals through survey techniques. Online communities are representative social media that share the opinions of the public on specific issues such as politics, economics, and culture. Therefore, online communities are widely used as a means to supplement the limitations of traditional opinion polls. In particular, the MZ generation is familiar with online platforms, and their political support has significant influence on election results and policy decisions. With this regard, this study analyzed the relationship between the sentiment reflected in online community text data by age group on major candidates and public opinion survey support rates during the Korean presidential election for those in their 20s. The analysis showed that negative sentiments reflected in online communities by the MZ generation have a negative correlation with public opinion survey support rates. This study contributes to theory and practice by revealing a significant association between social media and public opinion polls.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.67-104
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• 2020

Fake news and disinformation provoked heated arguments during Taiwan's 2018 local election. Most significantly, concerns grew that Beijing was attempting to sway the island's politics armed with a new "Russian-style influence campaign" weapon (Horton, 2018). To investigate the speculated effects of the "onslaught of misinformation," an online survey with 1068 randomly selected voters was conducted immediately after the election. Findings confirmed that false news affected Taiwanese voters' judgment of the news and their voting decisions. More than 50% of the voters cast their votes without knowing the correct campaign news. In particular, politically neutral voters, who were the least able to discern fake news, tended to vote for the China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) candidates. Demographic analysis further revealed that female voters tended to be more likely to believe fake news during the election period compared to male voters. Younger or lower-income voters had the lowest levels of discernment of fake news. Further analyses and the implications of these findings for international societies are deliberated in the conclusion.