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Teaching Democracy in Indonesian Civic Education Textbook (인도네시아 시민윤리교육 교과서에서의 민주주의 교육)

  • KIM, Hyun Kyoung
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.3
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    • pp.1-47
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    • 2017
  • This paper examines how democracy is being taught in secondary school level of Indonesian civic education. For this purpose, this study analyses the textbook contents concerning democracy. First, this study sets the freedom, the right, the unity and the stability as key words and analyzes the characteristic of describing democracy by looking at how each keyword is explained in the textbook. The result of analysis shows that democracy of Indonesia can be described as "Pancasila democracy" and textbooks have tendency to relatively emphasize 'the unity', and 'the stability' by differentiating themselves from "liberal democracy" and "liberalism." The freedom in textbook can be interpreted in the context of organic-statism that state and interests of state have the ascendancy over individuals. This viewpoint is based on the historical contexts of Indonesia. However, when textbook describes about Indonesian democracy and its values, they deal with contents of democratic principles, "the freedom of opposition", "the negative freedom", and natural rights. And the study interprets the existence of the two contrasting concepts - relative emphasis on the unity of state and the statement about the importance of individual rights and the freedom - in the textbook as a logical tension in transitional process of traditional organic-statism. Second, the study examines educational contents in accordance with the method of description in textbook. It has been found that there are logical tension and fallacy in describing the principle of fundamental concepts and applicate that concepts into Indonesia case. Also, when describing Marsinah and Munir case, there are some parts distorted and overlooked the facts. On the other hand, the gaps between the explanation in textbook and reality can be pointed out. This study which examined textbook and contents of the rights of the individual is an introductory study on textbook, education and democracy for development of Indonesia and their education.

The Visual Aesthetics of Drone Shot and Hand-held Shot based on the Representation of Place and Space : focusing on World Travel' Peninsula de Yucatán' Episode (장소와 공간의 재현적 관점에서 본 드론 쇼트와 핸드헬드 쇼트의 영상 미학 : <세계테마기행> '유카탄 반도'편을 중심으로)

  • Ryu, Jae-Hyung
    • Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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    • v.14 no.3
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    • pp.251-265
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    • 2020
  • The Drone shot is moving images captured by a remotely controlled unmanned aerial vehicle, takes usually bird's eye view. The hand-held shot is moving images recorded by literal handheld shooting which is specialized to on-the-spot filming. It takes a walker's viewpoint through vivid realism of its self-reflexive camera movements. The purpose of this study is to analyze comparatively aesthetic functions of the drone shot and the hand-held shot. For this, the study understood Certeau's concepts of 'place' and 'space,' chose World Travel 'Peninsula de Yucatan' episode as a research object, and analytically applied two concepts to the scenes clearly presenting two shots' aesthetic characteristics. As a result, the drone shot took the authoritative viewpoint providing the general information and atmosphere as it overlooked the city with silent movements removing the self-reflexivity. This aesthetic function was reinforced the narration and subtitles mediating prior-knowledge about proper rules and orders of the place. The drone shot tended to project the location as a place. Conversely, the hand-held shot practically experienced the space with free walking which is free from rules and orders inherent in the city. The aesthetics of hand-held images represented the tactic resisting against the strategy of a subject of will and power in that the hand-held shot practiced anthropological walking by means of noticing everyday lives of the small town and countryside than main tourist attraction. In opposition to the drone shot, the hand-held shot tended to reflect the location as a space.

The Factor Analysis for Acceptance on Hydrogen Refueling Station Using Structure Equation Model (구조방정식 모델을 이용한 수소충전소 수용에 미치는 요인분석)

  • Lee, Mi Jeong;Baek, Jong-Bae
    • Korean Chemical Engineering Research
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    • v.60 no.3
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    • pp.356-362
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    • 2022
  • Research related to hydrogen technology is being actively conducted around the world. Korea is also making great efforts to develop technology to leap forward as a hydrogen economy powerhouse. In particular, the world's No. 1 hydrogen vehicle penetration rate is proof of this. However, the construction of hydrogen refueling stations is being delayed. The biggest delay factor is the public opposition. As such, policies without public support cannot be successfully implemented and are not sustainable. Therefore, this study intends to analyze the factors affecting the acceptability of hydrogen refueling stations in favor of and against them. As a research method, the basic factors affecting acceptability were identified by reviewing previous studies, and a questionnaire was designed and investigated based on the established factors. The validity and reliability of the questionnaire were verified, and the hypothesis was verified through correlation analysis. And, using structural equation modeling, a factor model was developed on the acceptability of hydrogen refueling stations. As a result of the study, acceptability defined private acceptability and public acceptability. In the case of private acceptability, it was confirmed that the higher the attitude toward the environment, the higher the level of knowledge about the hydrogen charging station, and the lower the degree of feeling the risk of the hydrogen charging station, the higher the acceptability. In the case of public acceptability, it was confirmed that the higher the benefit, the better the attitude toward the environment, and the lower the risk-taking characteristics of the individual, the higher the acceptability. Therefore, in this study, based on the potential factors verified in previous studies, the main factors affecting the acceptance on hydrogen refueling stations were identified. And the acceptance model was developed using structural equation modeling. This study is expected to provide basic data to seek ways to improve the acceptance of public when implementing national policies such as hydrogen refueling stations, and to be used analysis data for scientific communication.

Korea-U.S. Relationship appearing in the Newspaper and Social Media: Based on the news and information related to the (언론과 소셜미디어를 통해 살펴본 한미관계: <한미정상회담> 관련 뉴스와 정보를 중심으로)

  • Hong, Juhyun
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.8 no.5
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    • pp.459-468
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    • 2022
  • This study searched and analyzed news and information on the Korea-U.S. Summit to explore which political agenda is spreading among Korean newspapers and social media. The result of the analysis revealed that, on the one hand, the conservative-leaning newspaper, Chosunilbo, covered the unresolved issue between two countries. The principal source of news was the opposition party. On the other hand, the progressive-leaning newspaper, Kyunghany Sinmun, highlighted President Moon's visit to the United States and described the visit to the United States as an achievement. In this paper, the principal source of news is the ruling party. Both conservative and the progressive newspapers did not present a negative view of the United States. In the case of Chosunilbo, it mentioned that foreign policy priority of President Biden is human rights in North Korea. If the two countries do not solve this issue, the relationship between Korea and the United States will not develop further. Second, I searched YouTube videos about the Korea-U.S. summit and conducted a network analysis to understand the influence of YouTube videos and explore their relationship the each other. The results of the analysis revealed that the 10 most influential videos portrayed the Moon government positively. These videos held the achievement of the visit to the United States in highly esteem and framed it positively, similarly to the progressive newspaper.

A Study on Bernard Lamy's La Rhétorique ou L'Art de Parler (베르나르 라미의 『수사학 또는 말하는 기법(1675)』에 관한 연구)

  • LEE, Jong Oh
    • Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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    • v.13 no.1
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    • pp.345-368
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    • 2009
  • Our research task have goal to describe a treaty rhetoric known as 『La Rhétorique ou L'Art de Parler』(1688) which corresponds to a very wide field of which the step is not yet dubious in our country. Thus to study the rhetoric of Lamy borrowed from the thought of Descartes, we left the concept d' origin of language in traditional rhetoric in connection with logic and grammar (in first part). Also the second part is devoted to the tropes and the figures that are modified and deteriorated by the language of passion called 'rhetoric of passion or psychological of figure', etc. And the third part interests in the body of the speech being the character of l' heart. Under the influence of the rhetoric of Lamy, French rhetoric at the 17th century is held for an essential text when one interests in the history of the ideas and rhetoric, marked in its specificity (passion). The project of Lamy registered in the concept of passion like 'manners of speaking'. To close this study, which does one have to retain? The first remark to note is that Lamy founds his rhetoric in opposition to traditional designs dating from the beginning of Aristote. Second remark is the idea that one finds based in famous the books of Dumarsais at the 18th century and Fontanier at the 19th century. Admittedly, Lamy is a true rhetorician, grammairien which interests in the question of passions in the speech forces to reconsider the idea spread since Mr. Foucault, and makes it possible to understand the passage of the Great century at the Century of Lumuères. Even if this opinion is not shared, it will be agreed that the work of Lamy on passions or the phenomena sensory and psychological in the center of the language deserves reflexion.

4.7 By-Election as Mid-term Evaluation: Why Did Voters Choose to Punish the Government? (4.7 재보궐 선거의 중간평가적 성격: 왜 유권자는 정권심판을 선택하게 되었는가?)

  • Cha, Jaekwon
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.5-40
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    • 2021
  • In the 4.7 by-election in 2021, the ruling Democratic Party suffered a record devastating defeat, breaking the trend of a post-intermediate evaluation confirmed in the recent election. Why did the Democratic Party lose by a large margin unlike the recent election trend? In order to find answers to these questions, this study analyzes the voting behavior of individual voters based on the voter consciousness survey data conducted after the 4.7 by-election, while examining the background and causes of such voter choices. As a result of the study, in the 4.7 by-election, as confirmed in previous studies, public opinion against the ruling government was strong, and negative elections were held. However, if we look at the process and results of this by-election in more detail, we can see that it is different from the general by-election. In the past by-elections, the government judgement was due to the passive participation of the ruling party-oriented voters in elections with low political weight, or the active judgement psychology that was maximized in situations where the political burden was less. However, in this by-election, on the contrary, in an election with a high political weight, the active judgement psychology of the Democratic Party and non-partisan voters had an effect on strengthening the midterm evaluation character of the election. In addition, it can be seen that the gathering of conservative voters who support the opposition also had a strong influence on the reinforcement of the midterm evaluation character of the election.

A New Phase of China's Development Against the Background of "Trade War" with the US: View from Russia (Вступление Китая в новую фазу развития на фоне "торговой войны" с США: взгляд из России)

  • Lukonin, Sergey;Ignatev, Sergei
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.2 no.2
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    • pp.111-141
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    • 2018
  • By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.

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Site Selection Methods for High-Level Radioactive Waste Disposal Facilities: An International Comparison (고준위방사성폐기물 처분시설 부지선정 방식 해외사례 분석)

  • HyeRim Kim;MinJeong Kim;SunJu Park;WoonSang Yoon;JungHoon Park;JeongHwan Lee
    • The Journal of Engineering Geology
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    • v.33 no.2
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    • pp.335-353
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    • 2023
  • Site selection processes for high-level radioactive waste disposal facilities in different countries differ in terms of local geology and degree of public engagement. There seem to be three alternative processes for site selection: (1) selection with community consent after government choice; (2) selection with continuous community engagement after exclusion of unsuitable areas based on existing survey data; or (3) site selection where communities have expressed a willingness to participate. The Yucca Mountain site in Nevada, USA, was selected as the final disposal site by process (1) through six stages, but its development was suspended owing to opposition from the local governor and environmental groups. In Sweden, Switzerland, and Germany, process (2) is used and sites are selected through three stages. Sweden and Switzerland have completed site selection, and Germany is currently engaged in the process. The UK adopted process (3) with six stages, although the process has been suspended owing to poor community participation. In Korea, temporary storage facilities for spent nuclear fuel will reach saturation from 2030, so site selection must be promoted through various laws and systems, with continuous communication with local communities based on transparent and scientifically undertaken procedures.

May 24 Measures and Future North Korea Policy (5.24 대북조치와 향후 대북정책 과제)

  • Kim, Tae-Woo
    • Strategy21
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    • s.34
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    • pp.128-148
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    • 2014
  • In south Korea, the so-called 'conservative-liberal' rivalry over the assessment of the government's North Korean policies is seen to be impeding the road to right policy choices. For example, the liberals accused former President Lee Myung-bak's hardline policy of provoking Pyongyang and leading to a deterioration of inter-Korean relations, while the conservatives appreciated it for helping nurture mutually beneficial inter-Korean relations in the longer term by compelling North Korea to observe international norms. However, such debate over the vices and virtues of Seoul's North Korea policies is hardly meaningful as the measuring sticks used by the liberals and the conservatives are entirely different matters. The two major goals South Korea must pursue with its North Korean policies should be 'peaceful management of division' and 'change in North Korea'. The former is related to maintaining stability within South Korea and promoting co-prosperity with North Korea. For this, the nation needs to engage, encompass and assist the Pyongyang regime. The second goal is also necessary since South Korea, as a divided nation, must seek a unified Korea under the system of democracy and market economies by bringing change in North Korea. For this, South Korea needs powerful leverages with which it can persuade and coerce the North. This means that the nation is destined to simultaneously chase the above-mentioned two goals, while also both recognizing and negating the legitimacy of the North Korean regime. This situation necessitates Seoul to apply flexibility in reconciling with Pyongyang while applying firm principles to sever the vicious circle involving the North's military provocations. The May 25 Measures, which banned trade and economic cooperation with the North except those related to humanitarian assistance, were taken as sanctions against Pyongyang for sinking the South Korean corvette Chonan in March 2010. The Measures were taken by the Seoul government immediately after a multinational investigation team discovered evidence confirming that the South Korean naval ship had been torpedoed by a midget North Korean submarine. Naturally, the May 24 Measures have since then become a major stumbling block in inter-Korean exchange, prompting opposition politicians and concerned entrepreneurs to demand Seoul to unilaterally lift the Measures. Given the significant damages the Measures have inflicted on inter-Korean economic relations, removing them remains as homework for both Koreas. However, the Measures pertains to the 'principles on national security' the Seoul government must adhere to under all circumstances. This is why North Korea's apology and promises not to repeat similar provocations must come first. For now, South Korea has no alternative but to let North Korea solve the problems it has created. South Korea's role is to help the North do so.

A Study on the Second Frame in Film <The Power of The Dog> -Focusing on Iconology by Panofsky (영화 <파워 오브 도그>의 이차 프레임 연구 - 파노프스키 도상해석학을 중심으로)

  • Jia Xinyue
    • Smart Media Journal
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.102-111
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    • 2023
  • As one of the image symbols, the second frame has rich symbolic metaphor. In previous studies, second frames are mostly presented in physical forms such as doors, windows, but in <The Power of the Dog>, there are various forms of second frames, providing more types for the study of second frames. Panofsky's Iconology has put forward a rigorous research method on how to interpret the meaning of image symbols in the picture. This study aims to use Panofsky's Iconology to analyze the second frame in <the Power of the dog>. The purpose is to expand the methodology of film image research and break through the problem that the Iconology analysis of film image stays in narrative analysis (iconographical analysis). It can be seen from the results of this study that the second frame has different visual presentation according to the requirements of narrative. In the narrative of the film, it symbolizes the depressed tone of the film and the stressful relationship between different characters. What director Campion wants to show through the second frame is that in the film industry where the problem of women is getting better, the motif of feminist film creation has changed from the expression of female appeals in binary opposition to the expression of the appeals of diverse groups in "decentralization."