• Journal of Engineering Education Research
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.35-44
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• 2012

This paper analyzes characteristics and discourses related with the risk communication of Fukushima nuclear disaster. I try to pick up and analyze the three strategies of Korean government's and expert system's risk communication, and then understand the relationship between them and the role of expert system in the risk communication and the politics of expertise.

• The Journal of Learner-Centered Curriculum and Instruction (JLCCI)
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.139-170
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• 2018

The Moon Jae-In government's nuclear phase-out policy, on the one hand, has significance in that it has for the first time put the brakes on the nuclear expansion policy and has escaped from the inertia of existing policies. On the other hand, however, since the ethical basis of the nuclear phase-out has not been clearly defined as policy norms, it faces the contradiction between the nuclear phase-out domestically and the export promotion of nuclear power plants. Furthermore the nuclear phase-out policy remains ambiguous and politically irresponsible in that there is no political vision for the energy transition or nuclear phase-out time; and the nuclear phase-out policies have not been enacted yet. This paper considered that these kinds of problems have stemmed from the absence of nuclear politics and analyzed its causes and effects. In this paper the causes of the absence of nuclear politics were identified in the characteristics of the Korean developmental state model and administrative bureaucrats' planning; and its effects were qualitatively analysed through the National Assembly members' statements expressed on the minutes of the relevant National Assembly Standing Committees. The result of the analysis indicates that the lack of nuclear power politics led to the failure of the legislature to control the nuclear administration and led to irresponsible politics especially in the nuclear back-end management. Therefore this research emphasized the necessity of responsible intervention of party politics in the nuclear policy and suggested the policy norms for the nuclear phase-out based on the concepts of Max Weber 's the ethics of conviction (Gesinnungsethik) and the ethics of responsibility (Verantwortungsethik).

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.5-46
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• 2016

North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.2 no.1 s.3
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• pp.135-156
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• 2002

The view of technology is largely divided into 2 theories: (1) the theory of autonomous technology that claims technology's own development logic and momentum, (2) the theory of social determinism that regards technology as reflection of political choices. Autonomous technologists read our society in the language of technology and social determinists read our technology in the language of society. This paper tries to analyze that conflicts between government and environmental group in nuclear policy, especially radioactive waste disposition policy reflect collisions between autonomous technologists and social determinists representing technology and politics, respectively. On the surface, such collisions are occurred in rational, ethical and economical aspects. It maintains, however, in depth, they are about solution means to problems from which technologies derived. Also, it suggests that one of the alternatives to avoid inevitable collision may be interaction approach based on intertwining technology with society. More understanding of political natures and control possibilities for technology is needed because interaction approach is founded on this understanding. Finally, to help forming the Korea's nuclear utilization policy from now on, it gives 2 case studies compared France with Germany where expanding and contracting nuclear utilization policy, respectively.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.107-144
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• 2012

Recently concerns on the energy future are rising in Korea after nuclear disaster of Fukushima in Japan last year. However, even after Fukushima disaster Korean government keeps on insisting nuclear oriented energy policy. Contrary to it, some of civil society's organizations(CSOs) including environment groups and progressive political parties are making strong voices for phase-out nuclear. As a way of phase-out nuclear activity researcher groups based on CSOs have presented several alternative energy scenarios against the official government scenario so that contest between the two senarios seems not to be avoided. This article aims to analyse the politics of expertise around energy scenarios in Korea by highlighting differences between two scenarios of government and CSOs in terms of epistemological and methodological base, value orientation, institutional foundation, and the socio-political contexts of scenarios. Our research shows that government's energy scenario is based on scientific-positivist epistemology, firm belief in value neutrality and forecasting method, and is built by neo-classical economists at government-sponsored research institutes in accordance with the 'Business As Usual' approach. In contrast, alternative scenarios of CSOs can be said to be based on epistemological constructivism, value oriented attitudes and backcasting method, and be built by collaboration of researchers and activists with different academic and social backgrounds after Fukushima nuclear disaster.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.13
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• pp.35-71
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• 2012

The purpose of this essay is to examine the responses of artists on nuclear experiences through an analysis of the nuclear images represented in contemporary Japanese art. Japan has previously as twice experienced nuclear disaster in 20th century. The first atomic bombs were dropped in 1945 as well as the 5th Fukuryumaru, Japanese pelagic fishing boat, exposed by hydrogen bomb test operated by the US in 1954 nearby Bikini atoll. Due to Tsunami taken place by the great earthquake that caused the meltdown of Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant in March 2010, Japan is being experienced a nuclear disaster again. Despite practical experiences, comtemporary Japanese art has avoided the subject of nuclear disasters since the end of the Asia-Pacific War for a variety of reasons. Firstly, GHQ prohibited to record or depict the terrible effect of atomic bomb until 1946. Secondly, Japanese government has tried to sweep the affair under the carpet quite a while a fact of nuclear damage to their people. Because Japan has produced numerous war record paintings during the Second World War, in the aftermath of the defeated war, most of Japanese artists thought that dealing with politics, economics, and social subject was irrelevant to art as well as style of amateur in order to erase their melancholic memory on it. In addition, silence that was intended to inhibit victims of nuclear disasters from being provoked psychologically has continued the oblivion on nuclear disasters. For these reasons, to speak on nuclear bombs has been a kind of taboo in Japan. However, shortly after the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima, the artist couple Iri and Toshi Maruki visited to ruin site as a volunteer for Victim Relief. They portrayed the horrible scenes of the legacy of nuclear bomb since 1950 based on their observation. Under the condition of rapid economical growth in 1960s and 1970s, Japanese subculture such as comics, TV animations, plastic model, and games produced a variety of post apocalyptic images recalling the war between the USA and Japanese militarism, and battle simulation based on nuclear energy. While having grown up watching subculture emerged as Japan Neo-Pop in 1990s, New generation appreciate atomic images such as mushroom cloud which symbolizes atomic bomb of Hiroshima. Takashi Murakami and other Neo-Pop artists appropriate mushroom cloud image in their work. Murakami curated three exhibitions including and persists in superflat and infantilism as an evidence in order to analyze contemporary Japanese society. However, his concept, which is based on atomic bomb radiation exposure experience only claimed on damage and sacrifice, does not reflect Japan as the harmer. Japan has been constructing nuclear power plants since 1954 in the same year when the 5th Fukuryumaru has exposed until the meltdown of Fukushima Nuclear Plant although took place of nuclear radiation exposures of Three Mile and Chernobyl. Due to the exploding of Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant, Japan reconsiders the danger of nuclear disaster. In conclusion, the purpose of this paper may be found that the sense of victim which flowed in contemporary art is able to inquire into the response of artist on the subject of nuclear as well as the relationship between society, politics, culture, and modern history of Japan and international political situation.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The situation in Korean peninsula, globally and regionally, which followed the global huge uncertainty, changed a lot. Because of the political crisis, ROK falls into a chaos. And DPRK goes into a policy changing period by the internal issues, international sanctions and assassination accident in Malaysia, which is confirmed to be DPRK's Supreme leader, Kim Jong Un's half brother. Under this changing circumstances, the perspectives of regarding China and the Korean peninsula, must be undated accordingly. Only by understanding the Sino-US relations, the DPRK nuclear issue and the regional dilemmas can we formulate reasonable policies to contribute to the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula.

• Journal of Engineering Education Research
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.45-52
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• 2012

The success history of Light Water Reactors (PWR and BWR) showed how a dominant technology could be shaped in a political and economical context. The american nuclear politics, the interest of american nuclear industry, and the accumulated technological know-hows made it possible that the not inherently safe reactor-Light Water Reactor- became a prominent reactor model. The path dependency of reactor technology on LWR kept the engineers from developing a new safer reactor, even if the severe reactor accidents occurred. In oder to increase safety of nuclear power system, we should understand the social shaping process of nuclear technology.

• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.1234-1243
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• 2024

The pressing need to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions has stimulated a renewed interest in nuclear energy worldwide. However, while numerous countries have shown interest in nuclear power over the course of history, many of them have not continued their pursuit and chosen to defer or abandon their peaceful nuclear power projects. Scrapping a national nuclear power program after making initial efforts implies significant challenges in such a course or a waste of national resources. Therefore, this study aims to identify the crucial factors that influence a country's decision to terminate or hold off its peaceful nuclear power programs. Our empirical analyses demonstrate that major nuclear accidents and leadership changes are significant factors that lead countries to terminate or defer their nuclear power programs. Additionally, we highlight that domestic politics (democracy), lack of military alliance with major nuclear suppliers, low electricity demand, and national energy security environments (energy import, crude oil price) can hamper a country's possibility of regaining interest in a nuclear power program after it has been scrapped, suspended, or deferred. The findings of this study have significant implications for policymakers and stakeholders in the energy sector as they strive to balance the competing demands of energy security, and environmental sustainability.

• The Journal of Learner-Centered Curriculum and Instruction (JLCCI)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.7-40
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• 2018

This article aims to analyze sharing city and energy transition policies of Metropolitan Seoul in terms of the theory of sustainability transition. The concept of sustainability transition provides a framework to analyze how sustainability oriented long-term transition emerges from the existing social institutions and incumbents and who/how steers this process. For solving environmental challenges as systemic problems, system/regime transition for sustainability is needed and reflexive governance as well in this process. Especially, with these reflexive interventions, the consideration of politics of transition is essential. This paper analyzes cases of 'Nanum Car (car sharing)', 'Seoul Bike (public bike)' as 'sharing city' policy and 'One less nuclear power plant (OLNPP)', 'Energy self-reliant villages' as energy transition policy. We found out that reflexive governance and transition politics of car sharing were not successful, but public bike policy had a potential for transition to sustainable transportation system. These two cases, however, provided little potential for new mode of politics of transition. OLNPP and 'Energy self-reliant villages' have made an opportunity for system/regime transition through making vision of post-nuclear system and achieving ecological and social justice goals. In terms of governance and politics of transition, the latter two cases made a new mode of sustainability governance and power relations.