• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.41
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• pp.175-212
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• 2014

In 2001 a large amount of labor record have been donated from Jeontaeil Labor Archive-Institute to SungKongHoe University(SKHU). Institute of Labor History in SKHU was established in the wake of the installation of the labor archive. Development of oral archive raised the awareness of the various relationships between the use and production of labor record. Interviewees of oral testimony expressed dissatisfaction and the role of the researchers was not sufficiently exhibited. Examining the main cases of Korea union movement history, we can find contradictions between the use and production of labor record clearly. Interval of interpretation and memory was too big between the parties of 'democratic' union movement in the 1970s. While among the parties who took part in Guro Alliance Strike of 1985, there is a group that remains in the "winner" in history on the one hand, but "loser" on the other without any reasonable criterion. Active intervention of the record users(researchers) is very limited. Among citizens or workers how will be resolved such "struggle of memory" in due process can not be seen. This is one of the reasons why labor archive is not rooted in the region. In this paper, I present a methodological alternatives for the production and use of records through the construction of participatory labor archive. Further, the reconstituted contents of the "documenting locality" strategy by complementing the theoretical part of the method of participation. The study of local and locality requires a "scale" dimension that will make up the identity recognition space, a memory and identity, a social relationship rather than the dimension of the physical space. Alternative "documenting locality" strategy will be able to contribute to solve the problems that occur between the production and use of the recording in labor archive.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Laryngology, Phoniatrics and Logopedics
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.87-93
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• 2018

Background and Objectives : Laryngopharyngeal reflux disease (LPRD) is relatively common disease. N-acetyl cysteine (NAC) has both mucolytic and antioxidant effect, also may be beneficial in inflammatory airway diseases. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the efficacy and safety of inhaled NAC therapy in LPRD. Materials and Method : We retrospectively reviewed the medical records of 525 LPRD patients at 12 medical centers. Finally 401 patients subjected to inhaled NAC therapy for 2 months were enrolled in the study. We analyzed the change of Reflux Symptom Index (RSI) and Reflux Finding Score (RFS) after use of NAC for 4 weeks and 8 weeks in addition to the patient's compliance of the treatment. Results : The RSI score significantly decreased from $19.87{\pm}6.34$ to $12.78{\pm}6.93$ after 4 weeks and to $10.65{\pm}7.47$ after 8 weeks. The RFS score also significantly decreased from $9.29{\pm}3.4$ to $7.17{\pm}3.41$ after 4 weeks and to $6.1{\pm}3.73$ after 8 weeks (p<0.05). During the treatment periods, 42 patients (10.4%) reported to have 80 episodes of discomfort. Throat discomfort (33%) and nausea (28%) were most common complaints, but the duration of discomfort was usually less than 4 weeks. Conclusion : Inhaled NAC treatment is highly effective for the reduction of both subjective and objective findings in LPRD patients. This study will provide the evidence of new treatment option for patients with LPRD. However, further studies will be needs to assess the real effect of inhaled NAC therapy as a standard treatment regimen of LPRD.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.44
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• pp.51-99
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• 2015

The purpose of the archival appraisal has gradually changed from the selection of records to the documentation of the society. In particular, the qualitative and quantitative developments of the current digital technology and web have become the driving force that enables semantic acquisition, rather than physical one. Under these circumstances, the concept of 'documentary heritage' has been re-established internationally, led by UNESCO. Library and Archives Canada (LAC) reflects this trend. LAC has been trying to develop a new appraisal model and an acquisition model at the same time to revive the spirit of total archives, which is the 'Whole-of-society approach'. Features of this approach can be summarized in three main points. First, it is for documentary heritage and the acquisition refers to semantic acquisition, not the physical one. And because the object of management is documentary heritage, the cooperation between documentary heritage institutions has to be a prerequisite condition. Lastly, it cannot only documenting what already happened, it can documenting what is happening in the current society. 'Whole-of-society approach', as an appraisal method, is a way to identify social components based on social theories. The approach, as an acquisition method, is targeting digital recording, which includes 'digitized' heritage and 'born-digital' heritage. And it makes possible to the semantic acquisition of documentary heritage based on the data linking by mapping identified social components as metadata component and establishing them into linked open data. This study pointed out that it is hard to realize documentation of the society based on domestic appraisal system since the purpose is limited to selection. To overcome this limitation, we suggest a guideline applied with 'Whole-of-society approach'.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.48
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• pp.93-139
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• 2016

Aside from serving as a body that monitors and criticizes the government through reviews and comments on public issues, newspapers can also form and spread public opinion. Metadata contains certain picture records and, in the case of local newspapers, the former is an important means of obtaining locality. Furthermore, advertising in newspapers and the way of editing in newspapers can be viewed as a representation of the times. For the value of archiving in newspapers when a documentation strategy is established, the newspaper is considered as a top priority that should be collected. A newspaper archive that will handle preservation and management carries huge significance in many ways. Journalists use them to write articles while scholars can use a newspaper archive for academic purposes. Also, the NIE is a type of a practical usage of such an archive. In the digital age, the newspaper archive has an important position because it is located in the core of MAM, which integrates and manages the media asset. With this, there are prospects that an online archive will perform a new role in the production of newspapers and the management of publishing companies. Korea Integrated News Database System (KINDS), an integrated article database, began its service in 1991, whereas Naver operates an online newspaper archive called "News Library." Initially, KINDS received an enthusiastic response, but nowadays, the utilization ratio continues to decrease because of the omission of some major newspapers, such as Chosun Ilbo and JoongAng Ilbo, and the numerous user interface problems it poses. Despite these, however, the system still presents several advantages. For example, it is easy to access freely because there is a set budget for the public, and accessibility to local papers is simple. A national library consistently carries out the digitalization of time-honored newspapers. In addition, individual newspaper companies have also started the service, but it is not enough for such to be labeled an archive. In the United States (US), "Chronicling America"-led by the Library of Congress with funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities-is in the process of digitalizing historic newspapers. The universities of each state and historical association provide funds to their public library for the digitalization of local papers. In the United Kingdom, the British Library is constructing an online newspaper archive called "The British Newspaper Archive," but unlike the one in the US, this service charges a usage fee. The Joint Information Systems Committee has also invested in "The British Newspaper Archive," and its construction is still ongoing. ProQuest Archiver and Gale NewsVault are the representative platforms because of their efficiency and how they have established the standardization of newspapers. Now, it is time to change the way we understand things, and a drastic investment is required to improve the domestic and international online newspaper archive.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.118-129
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• 2011

This study is about the governor general's official residence and its garden in Yongsan that were constructed during the Japanese occupational time. The garden design drawing was also made while planning such Neo-Baroque style building, and it contains particular information of the garden unlike the other existing landscape drawings. The content of garden translated and landscape historical value drawn out by analysis of garden drawings, press articles and literatures are as follows; First, such governor general's official residence garden in Yongsan is likely to be the Korean first western style landscape form. For, from the point that it was completely constructed together with such official residential building in 1909, its construction time should be before that of the garden of Seokjojeon, Deoksu Palace, which was constructed in 1911. Second, it shows the garden style and garden planting factors introduced together with the modern architecture then. Such garden planting factors are placed from the center axis of the garden that is connected to the center of the building and monument as well. Such style and factors cover and show the flower bed appearing in Baroque style gardens, the monument that forms Vista playing the center of audience's vision, water space that is placed symmetrically against the axis, planting pattern that emphasizes the plants' space, flower bed shape and axis, and what kinds of plants were introduced then. Third, it shows the using pattern of western style gardens. Western style garden parties used to take in place in this garden while official dinner and reception were held in the evening in the official residence. Fourth, it shows the historical value as a modern landscape drawing, which is the Korean first landscape drawing that shows the plants' names and planting techniques marking the current height and planned height for change of topography and water system as a water landscape factor. That is, this drawing has the value that it was upgraded from the other existing ones that expressed only simple plants' symbols or flower bed shapes. I, therefore, hope that the studies on the modern landscape would be getting wider by excavation of new historical records in the future.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.209-223
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• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.129-163
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• 2016

This study examines processes of cultural introductions and transformations among Korea, China and Japan via focuses on the formative characteristics of nasori(納曾利) masks belonging to komagaku (高麗樂), part of bugaku (舞樂), a Japanese court dance and music. Previous studies of traditional masks in East Asia focus on their dramatic characters and entertaining aspects. On the contrary, it approaches to their origins through the formative characteristics of komagaku nasori masks. Prince of Lanling, the representative togaku passed to Japan, and komagaku nasori perform a pair of toubu (答舞). One formative characteristic between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks is a dangling jaw (吊り顎). Masks having 'he' (へ)-shaped eyes like Japan's okina (翁) masks are characterized by a division (切顎) between the face and jaw, which is as same as the Korean masks. Other common grounds between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks are grotesque ghost faces and concentric double-circled eyes with their outlines painted gold. Concentric double-circled eyes prove that they spread to broader areas before the age of togaku and developed into a variety of divine-animal mask patterns. That Korean masks and nasori masks both have concentric double-circled eyes and dangling jaws is a significant starting point in studying the origin of traditional performing art in East Asia. Japan's bugaku has been passed down in shrines as part of folk religion. However, there exist in Korea no records or examples related to komagaku nasori masks introduced to Japan. This study provides some clues to comparison between Korean masks and komagaku nasori masks by focusing on the formative characteristics of the latter. The researcher suggests a new perspective to nasori mask dance by re-examining earlier Korean studies of the introduction of Daemyeonmu of Prince of Lanling to Japan through Shilla and the assumption of Nasori as Shilla music.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.379-418
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• 2017

Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.187-242
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• 2022

This article was conducted with the purpose of finding the religious meaning of Jeongeup (井邑) by paying attention to two areas of inquiry. The first examines religious interpretations of the place names of peaks, mountains, and villages that have already existed have existed since ancient times. The second area of inquiry looks into religious narratives about Jeongeup that appear in scriptural records of the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (1901~1909) as performed by Kang Jeungsan. Looking at these to areas of inquiry together, the place names and topography inherent in Jeongeup and Kang Jeungsan's various Jeongeup-related Reordering Works, can be summarized as embodying characteristics of 'beginning (始)' and 'origin (本)' which can be further likened to the meaning of 'water (水)' in a 'well (井).' First, Jeongeup equates to the heavenly origin of the Gucheon Sangje (Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven) faith in Jeungsan Thought. Mangje (Emperor-awaiting) Peak is a peak that represent the wish for the Lord's descent to earth. Seonmang (Immortal-awaiting) Village is a village that was waiting for an immortal. Jeung (Steamer-on-Cauldron) Mountain (Jeungsan 甑山) is a mountain on the earth and also the honorific name later taken by Kang Il-Sun. In relation to Jeungsan, it is interpreted that Jeungsan was born and incarnated in the village as a human in response to a plea from all divine sages, buddhas, and bodhisattvas, who had existed since the dawn of time and came to wish for salvation of humankind. This is because both Mangje Peak and Seonmang Village are connected to the meaning of 'mang (望 to await).' Second, the Reordering Works of Jeungsan which related to Jeongeup show that Jeongeup has carries the meaning of 'beginning (始源)' and 'origin (本源).' The character, Jeong (井), in Jeongeup is seen as a place that contains water energy, and symbols and allusions referring to this can be found in various Reordering Works. As a symbol or allusion, the well can be seen as a new start, the lives of all people of the world, the purification of the world, and returning to the original root everything. These symbolic images can be found in the life of Kang Jeungsan from his incarnation to his passing into Heaven. This is because Jeong can allude to the origin by the Ninth Heaven, the beginning of the Later World's paradisiacal land of immortals, and the end of the Former World (Seoncheon 先天).