• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.12
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• pp.362-375
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• 2019

Since Kim Dae-jung's administration, the Korean government has established policy for overseas Koreans to provide nationalism education to their descendants. While the policy is still in effect today, as to how the recipients of the support in the USA make meaning of the programs given much changes in the social climate in respect to Korean culture, has not been examined in-depth. Therefore, through in-depth interviews with Korean Americans, the current study examined how the recipients of the educational program perceive policy on education program towards Korean Americans and whether it has strengthened their nationalism or sentiment towards motherland. The study further examines the factors that influences their sentiments towards the motherland as identified by Korean Americans. The findings show that exposure to the culture and parents' teachings of the Korean values have helped them embrace Korean heritage. Moreover, findings revealed that their sense of Koreanness were due to positive memories from visits they had when they were young and changes in Korea's status in the global arena. Future direction of the policy and suggestion for specific programs for Korean Americans, as well as implications of the findings are discussed.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.48
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• pp.289-332
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• 2012

In this paper, based on the theory of performance studies and community-based theatre, I venture to explicate the socio-political significance of director Yim Jin-Taek's community-based performance called 'madanggut', which is heavily based on elements of indigenous culture. Yim's madanggut utilizes elements of indigenous cultures and searches for 'the Korean ethnic (arche)type' as 'the ideal Korean type' or 'genuine Korean-ness' for the reconstruction of 'the Korean ethnic community.' This paper interrogates the major task of Yim Jin-Taek's madanggut, which ideologically promulgates the idea of ethnocentric patriarchy supported by the traditional (mainly Confucianist) notion of 'community' - inquiring if this type of theatre can provide useful and practical prospects for imagining a more democratic and plural civilian society in Korea today, when the interaction of globalization, nationalism, regionalism, and localism simultaneously impact our everyday life and cultural identification. Regarding the recent global phenomenon of the resurgence of nationalism, I looked at madanggut's use of symbolic resources from the past for imaginative communal bonding as a nation. But, the claimed homogeneity of the national past by means of 'nation conflation' of different social groups is an illusionary conceptualization, and the national historiography silences memories of the marginalized groups and denies their histories. It is certain that in Korea nationalism has historically performed an important function during the colonization and democratization period. Nevertheless, as Yim's Nokdukkot realized, it cannot be overlooked that as a representative of 'the Korean ethnic community,' 'the protecting man/the sacrificial woman' is contradictory to the plural and lateral thinking of participatory democracy in community-building. It is time to think about a new political language that relates individuals to the community and nation. 'The ethnic type' cannot represent the whole nation and the members of the nation should be the examples of the community they belong to for a more democratic society. I have selected Yim's several community-based works mainly from the 1970s to the 1980s since the works provide grounding images, symbols, metaphors, and allegories pertinent to discussing how 'the Korean ethnic community' has been narrativized through the performances of madanggut during the turbulent epoch of globalization. I hope that this paper presents Yim's grounded aesthetics of community-based theatre with fully contoured critical views and ideas.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.333-374
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• 2009

Korean traditional education emphasizes moral education than any other country or culture. Education is recognized as practical task for self-realization and self-transcendence in traditional Confucian community. This study starts from two questions. First, how moral education in Korea from late in the 19th, when the modernized schooling started, to now can be classified according to social and political circumstances? Second, what is the main issue of moral education in the progress of Korean education after independence from Japanese imperialism? Especially, this study focuses on reflecting and reviewing these issues by context of Eastern moral education. After late in the 19th century, moral education in Korea is divided into three types: "Education for loyalty and filial piety and Moral cultivation", "Citizenship education and Education for anti-communism", and "Moral education and Character education". This study mainly insists these types of moral education distort the sprit by political interests rather than inherit and develop sprit or basic value of moral education. Furthermore, this study discusses characteristic of moral education and way to improve based on important two issues in Korean society; "Nationalism in moral education" and "Western biased education" Making individual's free will into group consciousness in accordance with political power group's interests rather than developing moral community based on each one's character building, nationalism in moral education deepens self-alienation. Western biased education makes self-negation as it considers western as core, and Korea and other traditional ideas as side. This study emphasizes reanalysis Eastern moral education and need effort for understanding of Eastern moral education to overcome Western biased education in Korean moral education.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.13-51
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• 2021

As a case study, this paper historicizes the film culture in Namchon district in Keijo(京城) based on a preliminary research on the film ephemera produced during the colonial period. Through cross-examining articles appeared in Japanese newspapers and magazines at the time, this paper empirically reconstructs the Japanese settlers' film culture in Keijo, a colonial city whose cultural environment was ethnically divided into 'Bukchon' and 'Namchon.' During the silent era, movie theaters in the Namchon district not only played a role of cinema chain through which films imported and distributed by Japanese film companies were circulated and exhibited but also served as a cultural community for Japanese settlers who migrated to a colony. The film ephemera issued by each theater not only provided information about the movie program, but also connected these Japaneses settlers in colonial city, Keijo to the homogeneous space and time in Japan proper. Both as a minority and colonizer in a colony, these Japanese settlers experienced a sense of 'unity' that could 'distinguish' their ethnic identity differentiated from Koreans through watching movies in this ethnically segregated cultural environment. In doing so, they were also able to connect themselves to their homeland in Japan Proper, despite on a cultural level. This is a cultural practice that strengthens a kind of long distance nationalism. Examining Japanese film culture through film ephemera would not only contribute to the previous scholarship on modern theater culture and spectatorship established since the 2000s, but also be a meaningful attempt to find ways and directions for film history research through non-film materials.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.193-213
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• 2020

Chen Du-xiu, a leading thinker and revolutionist in modern China, is the person who showed an ideological upheaval from liberalism to socialism. He called for personal freedom and the values of the individual, but when he came upon a national crisis and the Russian Revolution succeeded, he converted to socialism. In the process, he combined democracy with ethnicity to lay the foundation for Chinese social democracy. As one of representative thinkers of modern China, he changed his position for Chinese people and Chinese society, and it soon formed the basis of modern Chinese socialism, emphasizing the right to the survival of the people and people's democracy.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.139-155
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• 2015

The relation of culture and development is complicated and multilayered. Inclusive development has been the national strategy of the government of President Benigno Aquino III. However, the role the culture is scarcely mentioned. This paper will try to contextualize development in Philippine history to further show the importance of national consciousness, ethnic cultures, indigenous cultures and modern culture,. This paper concludes that inclusive development of the Philippines will be achieved through glocalization, based on the creative reconstruction of cultures in and out of the Philippines.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.65-73
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• 2010

This study is to discuss the content of Posangkimun on the whole and to report the understanding of Seokgok Lee Gyujoon on western civilization. Through the overall analysis of Posangkimun, it is found the following facts: 1. Posangkimun aroused interest of academic circles as it covered theories of western civilization. Most of the introduction to western civilization contained in the book is related to astronomy and geography. Seokgok criticized all the western theories on revolution of the earth, astronomy, continents and oceans on the ground that these theories were not congruous with the teaching of the Oriental sages. 2. Seokgok found the reasons why the West had led the East from 'nationalism' of the West. The nationalism mentioned here were more similar to 'democracy' in modern sense, or rather 'democratism'. What is specially noteworthy is that he did not find the reasons of western advancement from the spiritual issues not from the machine civilization. In this way, Seokgok could avoid the fallacy of throwing away traditional ideas to concentrate in western machine civilization. 3. The content of Posangkimun shows that Seokgok was a person with a very conservative view. Notwithstanding his inclination, he had good knowledge about western theories, most of which were gathered from newspapers and magazines at that time. It means that newspapers and magazines should be treated with more importance when studying Korean intellectuals in late Joseon period or during the time of Japanese forced occupation.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.536-547
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• 1995

The modernization of the fashion design in our country, like our chaotic modern history, has not been easy for us to grasp its main stream because it lacked historical consciousness and sincere attitude of creating. In trying to find out designs very Korean, designers usually ignore the deeply rooted ideologies and modes of our own, and primarily depend on the scattered fragments of tradition, such as the curled line of the ancient roofs, folk jackets and skirts, and Talcum, our ethnic dance, sometimes making some patchwork like clothes they divan't really intend to make. In the world of modern design, especially of the fashion industrial design, designs more scientific, more rationale and more positively appealing to the consumers, not the unconscious and emotional ones, are being demanded. To win in the fierce competing world of design as well call this age an age of "Design War", it is desirable for us to create our peculiar designs by uniting the internationalism (universality) and nationalism (traditionalism) together under a single rigid purpose. Analyzing the designs mainly of Korean style fashion designers since the 1980s, 1 could see that Korean designs in the aspect of appearance have a strong tendency toward applying or reviving the traditional elements, thus are under a bias toward nationalism rather than in ternationalism. The idea of "very Korean" does not mean a mere harmony or negotiation of the traditional elements with modern ones. It is rather a concept from vivid historical experiences of the conflict between the purely Korean mental, cultural heritages and the demands in mod- eradiation. Therefore, based on this concept of "very Korean" we must create fashions completely Korean and modern at the same time.n and modern at the same time.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.20
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• pp.113-148
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• 2010

This paper examines the American role in shaping South Korean nation-building during the early Cold War by considering how the United States attempted to form South Korea's education and how Koreans responded to these efforts. It looks at education as an arena where "American" ideas such as democracy and liberalism were received, transformed, and utilized by Koreans. This study pays particular attention to the gap between American intentions and Korean expectations, as well as to the competition between American and Japanese systems, which explains the contradictory role America played in South Korean nation-building. In order to better assess the role of the United States in shaping South Korean education, this article considers the complex dynamics between the Japanese legacies, American influence, and Korean actors. Americans had exerted a great effect on Korean education since the beginning of their relationship. American missionaries, U.S. military government, and educational mission teams had all contributed to the expansion of educational opportunities for Koreans. Through the educational institutions that they established or helped establish, Americans tried to spread "their" ideas. In this process, Americans had to struggle with two obstacles: Korean nationalism and the legacies of Japanese colonialism. Many Koreans used American missionary schools for their own purposes and resisted U.S. military government's policies which ignored their desire for self-determination. American education missions had limited effect on Korean education due to the heterogeneous Japanese system that was still influencing South Korea even after liberation. The ways in which Americans have influenced the democratization of South Korea have not been simple. Although "American" democratic ideas reached Koreans through various routes, Koreans understood the "American" idea within their own historical context and in a way that fit their existing socio-political relations. Oftentimes suspicious of "American" democracy, Koreans developed their own concept of democracy. The overall American influence on Korean democratization, as well as on Korean education, was important but limited. While Americans helped Koreans build educational infrastructure and tried to transfer democratic ideas through it, Koreans actors and Japanese colonial legacies limited its impact.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.48
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• pp.127-170
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• 2012

The primary concerns of this thesis simply stems from the curiosity of how the playwright Kim Jihoon lookouts a peculiar change of our spiritual, physical world. His lately work, , deals with a tribe of mixed blood who are either not shared by, or excluded from a national system, putting the writer's emphasis on some hints that informs us his outlook on the world. And these hints summon the following doubts. What is the significance of constituting a national community in this age, particularly in the time when the end of national people is frequently being referred? In strengthening national compositions, can the national identity be a pivotal element and central mechanism? Can the identity be able to exercise the hegemonic functions containing the political rights of decisions? Does the identity still dominate the various collective bodies such as genders, races, regions, professions, generations and classes etc? Finally, as the manifests, can the national identity be a desirable alternative that may cease both confusions and disorders evoked by the collision of heterogeneity? To find the answer, the study starts from a search for the origin of the complexities immanent in the mixed blood. The terror syndrome and the ambiguous identity, both residing outside the border of normality, will characterise the origin. Then I will focus both on the tribe's desperation itself and their present hope, in order. A myth of creating a country, making history and nationalism, all these are converged in their resistant ideology. This thesis ends with no clear conclusion, and yet suggesting the three presumptions the text insinuates: nomadism, a new barbarism, and the heterogeneity that awaits for our re-reading, and hoping that the three will lead the 'being-to-come' of the tribe, as an alternative of their future.