• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.243-271
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• 2016

When an aggressive war reached at the climax in 1940, a commemorative event called celebration' was held on a large scale in Japan for 'beginning former 2,600 years. It was performed for the policy that was going to break off the fatigue that was tired for nation dissatisfaction and war for the politics. I considered Urayasu-no-mai Dance played as part of a celebration event in a Shinto shrine of the all over Japan how was created and spread by this article Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created newly and was played in Shinto shrines of the whole country. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created based on Gagaku and Miko Mai (shrine maiden's dance) that has been read aloud not to go out of the ancient times. It was created in the situation of the war and spread and was spread. It will be said that Urayasu Dance is a typical example of 'forged traditional'. Urayasu Dance is a tradition made at modern time and remains for an unfortunate inheritance used again by the advertising tool of the national ideology. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance is expanded more now, without enough consideration about the historic procession other words, It played under a strong-arm society atmosphere is placed as new folk performing arts all too soon. In the complicated world situation at the time, Urayasu-no-mai Dance that emphasized a Japanese tradition for the inside and outside were spread. Urayasu-no-mai Dance created in modern times substitutes a traditional shaman dance, and there is even the tendency that ritual performing arts peculiar to each local Shinto shrine is unified to Urayasu-no-mai Dance. Such a movement shows a new aspect of the culture power that social turning to the right in Japan is not unrelated to becoming it. It is a traditional reinvention, or do you forge the tradition? I examined a process of a process and the spread of traditional creation produced consistently.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.16-31
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• 2013

This study addresses how the main group of community ritual changed as the regional community changed during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea with emphasis on Gwanseongmyo in Jangchung-dong, Seoul. First, almost every regional community was changed because of city planning which was carried out by Japan in Korea for colonial exploitation and for the use of military bases. Mapo-dong and Seobinggo-dong were the appropriate examples. The city planning projects by the Japanese colonial government selected Jangchung-dong as the place of settlement of many Japanese people. The stream, Cheonggyecheon, made a border between the Korean and Japanese settlements and the traditional system of regional community in Jangchung-dong was changed and reorganized considerably. Second, the Japanese government used the rituals of regional community purposefully to combine them with the ceremony in the Japanese shrine. Those who supported Japan performed the regional rituals and tried to follow the policy of 'Rule of Culture' required by the Japanese colonial government. However, most regional rituals continued as they were before Japan's colonial rule of Korea without any change. Under this new trend the ritual of Gwanseongmyo was changed from the ritual for worshipping Guan Yu to that of the regional community. Last, the main groups that led the rituals of regional community were diversified during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea. In other words, the rituals of community used to be led by the families that lived in the region for generations before Japan's colonial rule of Korea. However, they were later led by various groups that emerged as a result of the colonial rule, urbanization, commercial development, regional differentiation, and so on. As an example,Yeongsinsa of Gwanseongmyo,which was the main group to lead the ritual of Gwanseongmyo, shows that the regional community rituals were extended to worshipping Guan Yu. The members of the main group to lead the ritual were pro-Japanese senior officials who were formerly military officers. This shows that the main groups leading the regional community rituals were further diversified.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.198-221
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• 2009

Royal tombs of Joseon dynasty are the crystallization of history, ideology, culture, art, architecture, and ritual ceremony of Joseon dynasty, all mingled in one. So, they are very significant symbols showing 500 years of dynastic history as a whole. Among various factors comprising a royal tomb, stone figures surrounding grave mound are special factors as a symbol protecting it. Further among them, twelve zodiac images arrayed nearest to the grave mound represent the core of the function. Images of twelve zodiac signs originated from the tombs of the Unified Silla Kingdom are certain to hold important role and position in the construction of royal tombs, judging from huge scale and excellent sculptural art of them. However, both their scale and form had been gradually simplified in Goryeo and Joseon dynasty, thus the importance of them has been underestimated compared to other stone figures Images of twelve zodiac signs were very important factors which decorated royal tombs both as a protective role and as a concept of direction. Their historicity and symbolism cannot be neglected in that they had been transmitted to the royal tombs of Joseon dynasty. In this paper, images of twelve zodiac signs expressed in the royal tombs of Joseon dynasty are classified into 3 forms, and reviewed the origin and development of them for each period. They could be classified into 3 forms ; civil vassals with human body and head, civil vassals with human body and head wearing hat decorated with zodiac animals, Chinese characters of either zodiac signs or either a combination of 10 calendar signs and 8 trigrams. The above 3 forms originated from China and became a favorite motif to decorate the royal tombs from early Joseon period until late Joseon by replacing each other and thus changing along the course of the dynasty. In the meantime, we can see a unique character in the images of twelve zodiac signs of royal tombs of Joseon dynasty. In some cases, 24 directions are expressed in which 10 calender signs and 8 trigrams are composed altogether. Images of twelve zodiac signs in the royal bombs of Joseon dynasty are very significant as evidences by which we can confirm uniqueness and tradition of Korean tomb system transmitted from Unified Silla period.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.176-199
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• 2020

In 2018, the National Museum of Korea purchased a pair of Japanese folding screens, respectively entitled Gathering on the Year's First "Day of the Rat" and Boating on the Oi River. Both of these two screens (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "NMK edition") have a gold background that bears the seal and ink inscription of Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1700-1772), who served as edokoro azukari, a painter in the court of Kyoto. According to the seller in New York, the screens were brought from Japan to the United States in the early twentieth century, but no other details are known. Each folding screen has six panels. The screen on the right (i.e., Gathering…) depicts "nenohi no asobi," an annual event conducted on the first "day of the rat" (according to the Asian zodiacal calendar), wherein the Kyoto imperial court ventured to the woods to gather pine seedlings. The left screen (i.e., Boating…) shows three boats traveling down the Oi River in Kyoto, representing the ritual known as "mifune" (literally, "three boats"), which involves three boats representing Chinese classical poetry (kansi), Japanese classical poetry (waka), and Japanese imperial music and dance (gagaku). Notably, these two screens are identical in theme and iconography to two screens with the same respective titles that were commissioned by Emperor Komei (1831-1867) and painted by Ukita Ikkei (1795-1859), an artist of the Yamato-e Revivalist School (fukko yamato-e), now in the collection of Sennyu-ji Temple in Kyoto (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "Sennyu edition"). While both of these themes have been painted independently numerous times, the NMK edition and Sennyu edition are the only known cases of the themes being painted as a single set. According to Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate (the journal of a court official named Hirohashi Kanetane, 1715-1781), Tosa Mitsuyoshi was commissioned in 1760 to replace the fusuma (rectangular sliding panels) of Tsunegoten, one of the buildings of the Kyoto Imperial Palace, which had been built in 1709. Notably, records show that Tsunegoten once contained a series of fusuma painted by an artist of the Kano school on the themes "Outdoor Procession on a Spring Day" and "Three Boats Cruising on the Oi River." Hence, it seems probable that Tosa Mitsuyoshi was influenced by the theme and iconography of the existing fusuma in producing his own folding screens depicting the court's visit to the forest and a cruise on the Oi River. While the practice of collecting pine seedlings on the first "rat day" of the year was an auspicious event to pray for longevity, the mifune ritual was intended to honor the greatest talents of the three aforementioned arts, which were of crucial importance to the court of Kyoto. Folding screens with such auspicious themes were commonly featured at the ceremony to enthrone the emperor or empress. Significantly, the Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate also records that Tosa Mitsuyoshi, while working as a court artist, produced two pairs of folding screens for the coronation of Empress Go Sakuramachi (1762-1771), which was held in 1763. Hence, research suggests that the NMK edition is one of the pairs of royal folding screens produced at that time.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.21-42
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• 1993

To understand the dietary culture in Poongki region which was established as Kamrokchon of a folk community, the transmission pattern of the traditional dietary life was investigated by questionnaire to 383 housewives, and the results are as follows : 1) Daily diet : Among 65 traditional main dishes of 6 areas including Kyungsangdo, D’cokguk of Kyungsangdo was consumed most frequently, 87%. General consumption rate based on origin of food was 33.3% of Kyungsangdo, 21.2% of Chungchongdo, 13.1% of Kangwondo, 11.9% of Hwanghaedo, 1.1% of Pyungando and Hamkyungdo, respectively. Among 243 traditional minor dishes, Doenjangjjigye and Kochuchang of Kyungsangdo were most consumed as rates of 91.6%, 89.3%, respectively. General consumption rate based on origin was in order of 38.4% of Kyungsangdo, 19.3% of Chungchongdo, 14.9% of Kwangwondo, 10.4% of Hamkyungdo, 8.7% of Hwanghaedo and 8.3% of Pyungando. 2) Special diet : Among 66 traditional D’ocks, Injeolmi of Hamkyungd was consumed most freguently, 58%. General consumption rate based on origin was in order of 26.3% of Hwanghaedo, 17.6% of Kyungsangdo, 16.1% of Kwangwondo, 16.0% of Hamkyungdo, 13.0% of Pyungando and 11.0% of Chungchongdo. Among 27 cookies, Kangjeong of Hamkyungdo was consumed most frequently 46.7%. General consumption rates based on origin was in order of 55.7% of Hamkyungdo, 22.7% of Kyungsangdo, 2.4% of Pyungando, 5.8% of Kwangwondo, 3.0% of Chungchongdo and 0.4% of Hwanghaedo. Among 19 refresh drinks, Kamju of Kyungsangdo was consumed most frequently, 76.0%. General consumption rate based on origin was in order of 74.3% of Kyungsangdo, 7.8% of Chungchongdo, 6.9% of Hamkyungdo, 5.9% of Hwanghaedo and 5.1% of Kwangwondo. 3) Ceremonial diet : Myyeogguk and Baeksulgi for the 100-Days ceremony and Hynbab and Baeksulgi for the First Birthday were used mainly. For birthday, noodle(59.5%) for lunch besides rice as main dish and Soojeoggwa(37.9%) were served and noodle(30.8%) was used for host. Thirty percent of the varieties used traditionally for Pyehak and 40-50% of the varieties for Jesa(Memorial day) are still prepared currently. 4) Seasonal diet : For Jeolsik(major seasonal diet), the usage rates are as follows : D’ockguk(87%) for Jeongwolchoharu, Ogokbab(77.6%) for Jeongwoldaeborum, Patjuk(72.6%) for Dongji, Samsaeknamul(54.1%) for Chusuk. Relatively high usage rates of Surichi-D’ock(40.5%) for Dano and Mandu(40.5%) for Suddalgumumnal are probably due to the immigrated people from this area and the geographical effect. The consumption rates of Sisik(minor seasonal diet) for Chunghwajeol, Samjinal, Youdooil, Chungyangjeol and Muoil are about 10% and the rates for Chopail and Chilsuk are followed. Gaejang and Nangmyon for Sambok used as a rate of 32%. 5) Others : Table pattern; Table for one person(4.7%), table for two(16.7%), table for several(64.2%), table with chair(14.4%) are used. Serving pattern; All-together style(69.7%), monopoly style(24.0%), personaldish style(6.3%) are used. Cooking ware; Among 95 varieties, Doma and Jangban are used most(62.7%) and Pulmae, Poonju and Budulgori are never used. Nine sorts besides Jeongoltle are used as a rate of less than 1%. About 25% of total subjects were the immigrants from other areas. Some of them were moved in due to Chunggamrok. In conclusion, the usage of the traditional food is thought to be maintained well despite of the rapid change to incustrialized society because the native Kyungsangdo foods are combined with foods from the neighboring Kwangwondo, Chungchongdo and northern area.

• Research in Community and Public Health Nursing
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.143-162
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• 1998

This is a study for the construction of nursing care based upon the Korean attitude toward medicine. Factors which were investigated include the source of nursing care, the reason for choosing care, the type of heath care chosen, the accessability of caregivers, and the desired location of death. The population examined in this study consisted of 517 adults distributed in six large cities and 191 adults from five rural communities. Data was analyzed using frequency, percent, Cronbach alpha, $X^2$ - test, t - test, F - test and scheffe post hoc contrast with an SAS program. The results of this study are summarized as follows: 1. Among sources of nursing care used, first rank rated-pharmacy(54.4), private hospital(18.2), general hospital(8.4), folk remedies in house (5.0), chinese hospital(2.8), prayer(2.8) and others(8.4), and the reasons for choosing nursing care rated 'the easiest method' (63.6), 'the best method'(15.7), 'reliable'(10.8) and 'lower cost burden'(4.6) in order of preference. 2. The type of nursing care chosen rated western medicine(6.80), chinese medicine(6.15), folk remedies(5.46), faith remedies(3.51) and divination remedies (1.41). There were significant differences in the effect recognition degree to various kinds of medicine. 3. The difference of the type of nursing care chosen according to general characteristics showed that urban residents were higher than rural community residents(t=2.15, p=0.0320) in western medicine, and urban residents, women, and singles were higher than rural community residents(t=2.04, p=0.0414), men (t= -2.89, p=0.0039), and married(t=2.50, p= 0.0126) on folk remedies. With repect to age and education those 21-30, under 20 and 31-40, graduated from college and graduate school were higher than above 51, above 61 (F = 7.76, p = 0.0001), graduated from elementary school(F=4.39, p=0.0006) on folk remedies. In other categories, rural community residents, women, younger people. Christians were higher than urban residents ( t = -2.73, p=0.0305), men(t= -4.15, p=0.0001), older people (F=2.48, p=0.0307), Catholic, Buddhist, or atheist (F= 70.18, p=0.0001) on faith remedies. Those graduated from high school and Buddhist were higher than unschooled, graduated from middle school(F=3.18, p= 0.0075), atheist, Catholic or Christian(F=18.32, p=0.0001) on divination redemies. There were significant differences concerning age and education level. 4. The accessibility of caregivers rated 'caregivers should be nearby if the patients need them' (50.0), 'caregivers must be there all day (24 hours)' (39.6), 'caregivers must be there at night only'(5.0), 'caregivers must be there during the day only'(2.6), 'caregivers always should visit during visiting hours' 0.4), 'caregivers don't need to be there at all' (1.2). The frist rank of suitable caregivers were rated as spouse(66.6), mother(24.2), daughter (3.6), daughter-in-law(1.9), and the reasons of thinking thus were rated as 'the most comfortable' (81.5), 'people should correctly with regards to family they'(7.1), 'the easiest' (5.4), 'take good care of the patient' (5.1) and 'lower cost burden' (0.4). 5. The desired location of death rated as the following: his/her house (91. 6) to the hospital(8. 4). A person going to encounter death in the hospital wanted his house(78.5) over the hospital(21.5), and a person dieing in the hospital prefered his house(52.9) over the hospital(47.1) as a funeral ceremony place. The following suggestions are made based on the above results. 1. A sampling method that enhances the re presentativeness should be used in regional and/or national related research and replicated to confirm the result of this study. 2. This study should be used to understand the Korean view of medical centers and to meet the expectations of patients in Korean nursing. 3. Research on the Korean traditional view of humans and expectations of the sick, health and illness, and health behavior, the perception of dying, the decision to heal, and the view of general medicine should continue to be conducted continuosly so that Korean nursing theory can be advanced on these concepts.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.62-77
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• 2012

This study aimed to investigate the Confucian-oriented agriculture phase of the Joseon Dynasty, which was reflected at the palaces, by analyzing constructional aspects and spatial characteristics of farmlands at the palace rear gardens. The objective sites were the rear gardens of Gyeongbok Palace, Changkyung Palace, and the outside of Sinmoomoon(神武門) This study was based on literature reviews. The farmlands at the palace rear garden were constructed to self-estimate the year's harvest condition within the palaces. It was a part of the agriculture encouragement policy on governing the group of Joseon like publishing the Nongsajiksul(農事直說) and establishing the Chingyeongnye(親耕禮: king's own cultivation ceremony) and Kikokje(祈穀祭: the rite of praying for grain). In addition, farmlands of the rear garden were operated from the beginning of the state almost until the Japanese colonial era. The results were summarized as follows: First, Gyeongbok Palace rear garden's farmland which begin at the reign of Sejong(世宗) existed at the present Hyangwonji(香遠池) area. It was constructed in order to check the advanced agricultural technologies. The rear garden's farmland in Changkyung Palace, which was executed during the reign of Seongjong(成宗), was constructed right after the initial Chingyeongnye of the Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, it might be understood as the context of the king's own cultivation of the Jeokjeonchinkyung(籍田親耕). Injo(仁祖) dug for farmland in the ground of the Gyemgdeok Palace(慶德宮) though there was some stay palace, when his stay dragged out for too long. This bespeaks that those farmlands at the palace rear gardens were of great importance in the Joseon political history. The farmland near Gyeongnongjae(耕農齋), which was made during the reign of Gojong(高宗), inherited predecessor's walks of the promoting agriculture and exhibited spatial compositions such as the rear garden's farmland at Changkyung Palace. Secondly, irrigation, its water systems, the name of observatory to study farming[觀耕臺] and location requirements for farmland had something in common. It was assumed as universal forms of physiocracy-space in the Joseon Dynasty. In this study, by considering aspects of operating about vegetable garden managed by eunuchs and of the orchard in palace to cultivate fruits for national ceremonies, it could be assumed that landscape architecture of royal palace in the Joseon Dynasty did not only focus on solemnity, orderliness and fanciness but also on the practical and productive which was helpful in life. In addition, the diverse activities of productive landscape architecture led by the royal family in palaces, and the initiatively tested advanced agricultural technologies by the king were considered as an aspect of the Korean traditional specific royal palace landscape architecture. That is considered sole landscape not only to love of the people but also the 'agriculture-first' principle which were absent from other nations.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.1-8
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• 2020

EuiJae Hu BaekRyun is a symbol of Honam Namjonghwa and is respected as a teacher of Honam culture. He is from JinDo and is a relative of Sochi Heo Ryun and a disciple of Misan Heo Hyeong. The spirit of traditional Namjongghwa and the dignity of painting faithful to its technique have been obtained by themselves, and have made it his own. EuiJae organized a 'Yeonjinhoe' in Gwangju to raise his students. After liberation, a house was built under Mudeungsan Mountain. And showed another aspect as a social educator who emphasized and practiced national spirit while being a tea ceremony man. He excelled in Chinese poetry and painting theory, and expressed a unique field in calligraphy. especially worked as an artist good at poetry, caligraphy, and painting. EuiJae showed exceptional talent, especially in landscape painting. His tendency to paint was to follow Ye Chan's technique of drawing with a dry brush, placing importance on the energy of learning, and constantly trying new experiments with the technique of gisaeng. The world of EuiJae's works can be divided into three periods, based on the signature using the trend of painting or the change of perspective pursued, the era of EuiJae, the era of EuiJaeSanin, and the era of EuiDoin, which had a tendency of independent painting. EuiJae's contribution surpassed the artistic historical assessment that he had formed a big stem for the authentic Namjongghwa of Korean painting culture, which was part of Oriental painting. And recognizing that he was a fundamental teacher connecting modern times through the actual scenery based on NamDohwa's universal spirit and regional characteristics and the creative succession of emotions, he should inherit his passion for artistic spirit and tradition and experimental spirit.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.5-25
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• 2008

Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.