• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.21 no.9
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• pp.113-117
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• 2021

The article defines the basic concepts: "election campaign", "social capital", "conversion of social capital"; the principles and methods of research of social capital conversion in election campaigns are studied; the process of using social capital in politics is defined; ways of converting social capital into politics are considered; the possibilities of converting social capital in election campaigns are described. Election campaigns have been found to be a successful form of social capital conversion. The ability to use social capital in the election campaign speaks of its high potential. Election campaigns are not an effective use of social capital.

• American Studies
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.57-81
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• 2020

The purpose of this essay is to reexamine the overlooked politico-philosophical paradoxes of early American democracy. From its beginning, the American Republic was predicated on the conceived notion of political autonomy and independence from the British Empire. Those who fought for the cause, as expressed in the Declaration of Independence, invented and internalized so-called self-evident propositions which served as the key ideological foundation of the American Republic. Moreover, the unique historical ontology of American democracy was coupled with the politico-philosophical necessity of collective fantastical belief in the equation of selfhood with nationhood. By delving into how particular philosophical ideas and political concepts helped shape the visionary imagination of framers and their contemporaries, I investigate the way in which philosophy and politics are constitutive of the ideological fabric of the substantial-both conceptual and practical-paradoxes of the early American democracy.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.271-303
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• 2023

In 1991, Malaysia, under the leadership of then-Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, launched an ambitious 30-year national development program known as Vision 2020. The goal of this program was to transform Malaysia into a First World developed nation by the year 2020. One of the aspirations of the program was to create a psychologically liberated, secure, ethical, and mature democratic society. Vision 2020 is a failure and Malaysia is still not a mature democracy. This article identifies four main areas that make up a flawed democracy practiced in Malaysia, and shows how they work against the country's aspirations to become a developed nation. The electoral system is rigged to help the incumbent remain in power. The widespread practices of money politics have become a curse to the country. The press and media organizations are restricted. Civil society activities are suppressed. As a result of these issues, Malaysia will not be able to achieve the status of a developed nation, lacking democratic accountability and inclusive institutions.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.67-90
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• 2024

This article paid attention to three types of children's characters in Vietnamese children's literature in North Vietnam from 1945 to 1975, including children's characters as young soldiers in the frontlines, young citizens in daily life, and role models. The goal of this body of literature was illustrated as educating young generations on patriotism, the revolutionary spirit, and civic consciousness. Our research suggests that politics in children's literature is universal and that the power discourse of adults is an inevitable factor predominating in children's literature. Besides, juxtaposing Vietnamese children's literature with Southeast Asian literature helps us see that the political orientation and moral concepts in children's literature have created a stagnation in the current pace of Vietnamese children's literature. This paper, therefore, contributes to identifying Vietnamese children's literature in the overall picture of Southeast Asian children's literature in the post-colonial context.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.119-143
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• 2009

Public disapproval of National Assembly is resulted not only from the structural peculiarity of its decision-making process, but from the gap between public expectation of the National Assembly and its performance. While Korean electorate, being interested in politics with relatively high level of political efficacy, hold higher expectation from politics, the National Assembly fails to satisfy public expectation. In particular, irresponsible behaviors of representatives and the crippled operation of the National assembly are responsible for the low level of public trust to it. Institutional reform and individual efforts of representatives are necessary to promote public trust toward the National Assembly.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.171-199
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• 2012

Saman, a novel written by Ayu Utami, has been recognized as the symbol of the politico-social changes, which began to occur since the collapse of Suharto' New Order regime in 1998. In the novel, Ayu Utami showed the spirits of resistance against various absurd socio-political circumstances during the New Order era such as pressure on discussion, abuse of power, politics-business collusion, patriarchism, and suppression of gender. In representing those spirits, Ayu Utami used unconventional structure-making, fresh feedback and multilayered descriptions of the figures, which brought her a fame as the pioneer of the Fragrant Literature (Angkatan Wangi or chick-lit). Ayu Utami particularly criticized that, under the name of sustaining the national integrity and identity, the New Order regime enhanced patriarchal system, which consequently infringed gender equality and women's rights to self-determination. In addition, Ayu Utami argued that the abuse of power and politics-business collusion, which were prevalent during the New Order period, destroyed lives of the masses and the Indonesian society.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.33-57
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• 2019

After the tragic incident of the sinking of Sewol in spring 2014, Korean migrants in Britain began to hold street protests in London. These protestors condemned the Korean government for the lack of appropriate responses to the accident, and for its failure to conduct proper investigation on the issue. The small group of protestors held silent street protests every month at Trafalgar Square, despite not gaining much media coverage nor public attention. These migrants' almost three-year long protest outside their homeland is puzzling. Not only did they live in Britain for a long time to the extent that they regard the country as their second home, but they also exert scant amount of influence on the political landscape in South Korea. What can then account for these individuals' participation in activism related to their homeland politics? In this paper, we utilize the concept of 'moral identity' to explain the behaviors of Korean migrants involved in the street protests. These migrants had strong 'moral identity', which triggered a sense of responsibility to act when their cherished moral values were jeopardized. Korean migrants who possessed a strong sense of moral identity placed huge importance on living in accordance with their moral values. It is a way of upholding their self-esteem and sustaining their ideal self.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.597-618
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• 2010

This paper discusses American disability theater's representations of disability identity and disability identity politics. Dramatists John Belluso and Lynn Manning, among others, present characters with disabilities who experience oppressions at multiple, interlocking levels of domination on the basis of disability, race, and ethnicity. In Manning's Shoot, the black, blind hero iterates episodes in which he experienced discrimination and insults in encounters with whites who used derogatory racist words or belittled him and with some school children who taunted him for just being blind. This play, as in Manning's solo performance, Weights, presents narratives of a blind person traversing multiple locations of oppression in "a long litany of losses" in a white-dominated and ableist society. Belluso's Gretty Good Time similarly weaves together stories of disabled women, Gretty and Hideko, who bond together to resist the dominant ideology that reduces them into titillating commodities of mass consumption. Hideko's story serves the two-fold function of both affirming the specificity of her individual experience as an ethnic other and espousing the communal experience of stigmatization she shares with other disabled women like Gretty. In these plays, the intersection of the identity categories of disability, race, and ethnicity highlights the diversity of the body and the fluidity of boundaries, foregounding the specificity of disabled bodies, while at the same time overthrowing the hierarchical binarism between disabled and "normal" bodies.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-21
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• 2010

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.1 s.112
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• pp.39-57
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• 2006

Place marketing strategy is an research or policy field of cultural politics on which various meanings, discourses and practices are deployed, contested and negotiated surrounding the development or destruction of urban cultures. So it is needed to correct and concrete understanding about the cultural significations of place marketing strategy. In that sense, this study aims to establish the concept and methodology of place marketing strategy as urban culture development strategy. At first, the theory of cultural politics of space and cultural political approach to the place marketing strategy are reviewed. And then, basic concept of place marketing strategy and the process of place marketing strategy are established. Finally, with drawing the cultual political factors(named SAUNE factors), the methodology of place marketing strategy is systematized.