• 수산경영론집
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.21-34
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• 1990

The U.S.-Korea fisheries relationship was concluded on the legal basis of Korea as a distant-water fishing nation and U.S. as a coastal state, and aiming effective conservation, management and rational utilization of the marine living resources. The existing two legal problems on U.S.-Korea fisheries relationship are the pelagic driftnet fishing on the high seas and trawl fishing in the Bering Sea. The results and countermeasure discussed on the positive legal systems of both countries which simultaneously rationalize the conflicting standpoints each other are as follows : 1. For the sake of rational conservation and utilization of the high seas fishery resources, an international organization composing of all the coastal states and fishing nations concerned must be established, and it shall be shall be more desirable to manage the resources by the international joint control system than by the bilateral agreements between the countries concerned. 2. The U.S.-Korea Fisheries Agreement being based on the MFCMA was concluded by mutual understanding between both countries. Accordingly, no protest exists against legal status of the Agreement because it has acted as a customary norm in keeping fisheries relationship between both countries within the U.S. EEZ. 3. The existing fisheries legislative system of Korea is insufficient to support development of the industry satisfactorily. Therefore a special legislation, for example $\ulcorner$Distant-water Fishery Promotion Act$\lrcorner$, is required. And a perfect legal system for effective conservation and management of fishery resources must be established.

• Acta Via Serica
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.57-83
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• 2018

Historians describe the early years of the 20th century as a period of "nationalism." During this period, Turkish nationalism transformed into a thought movement which emerged to defend Turkish national sovereignty during the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Approaches towards nationalism in Turkey are based on the idea of national sovereignty and the ideas of national independence that developed subsequently. Nationalism in Turkey first transformed from Pan-Islamism into multinational Ottomanism, and finally developed into Turkish nationalism and patriotism. This process emerged as a movement of self-discovery in the multicultural structure of the Ottoman Empire and transformed into Turkism. The Balkan Wars (1912-1913) destroyed the foundation upon which Ottomanism was based, and led to the rise of Turkish nationalism, in other words, Turkism. The idea of nation in modern terms in the recent history of thought and nationalism subsequently developed based on this idea and emerged with the Turkism movement. Thus, Turkism became the movement of Turks in the empire, combined with political Turkism which was supported by the intellectuals who came to the Ottoman Empire from Russia. In this article, the formation of Turkist movements and the leading intellectuals of Turkish nationalism, who emerged at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of 20th century in the Ottoman Empire, are investigated in order to examine the historical progress of nationalist approaches in a period in which a new national state was established and improved.

• 한국품질경영학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국품질경영학회 2006년도 춘계학술대회
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• pp.392-399
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• 2006

Since the global warming problem emerged in the international community, the problem has been sought to be not at the national but at the global level. As a result, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change was agreed by international delegates in 1992, and the Kyoto Protocol which imposes industrialized nations to decrease their greenhouse gas emission was agreed by the international community in 1997. Kyoto protocol came into effect for reduction duty of greenhouse gas.(16-Feb-2005) High developed countries press environmental regulation. It will strengthen an environment regulation from advanced nation with this protocol. This study is intended to examine unfolding transition on negotiations of Conference of Parties(COP), the Kyoto Mechanism referred as a cost-effective tool to meet a targeted level of greenhouse gas decrease, and trends in responses of developed countries to the Kyoto Protocol, and finally suggests legal and politic counterplans responding to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (hereafter, UNFCCC).

• 한국화재소방학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국화재소방학회 2009년도 춘계학술논문발표회 논문집
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• pp.218-228
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• 2009

재난및안전관리기본법이나 소방관련법에서는 재난으로 부터 국민의 생명과 재산을 보호할 책임이 정부나 지방자치단체의 임무라 규정하고 있다. 복지선진국들은 안전도시 만들기를 최대목표로 여러가지 안전프로그램을 개발하여 시행하고 있다. 우리나라에서는 아직까지 실시되지 않고 있지만 지방자치단체가 국민들을 위해 어떠한 안전정책을 시행하고 있는지 평가하여 국민들에게 알리는 것이 필요하다. 이에 본 연구에서는 안전도시를 평가할 수 있도록 건축물이나 시설물 부분을 중심으로 평가기준과 평가방법을 개발하여 제시하였다.

• Journal of Multimedia Information System
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.197-202
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• 2021

Bitcoin and blockchain are often making headlines not only on TV or media but also among the public in today's society. These technologies have been developed after the risk of the centralized financial system came to the fore during the 2007 global financial crisis. Since then, an anonymous inventor called Satoshi Nakamoto penned the bitcoin white paper where a blockchain-based reference implementation was introduced. Bitcoin was able to achieve unprecedented growth by positioning itself as one of the top global currencies in terms of market capitalization after five years since its development. The pace of Vietnam's economic development is notably fast among Asian nations, while the nation was expected to be a Southeast Asian blockchain hub but they have banned virtual currency trading recently. However, they've also designated the State Bank of Vietnam (SBV) as a responsible agency for the research of blockchain-based cryptocurrencies, the construction of a service ecosystem, and their test operations. The fast-growing economy, increasing number of smartphone users, and the Vietnam government's support policies for startups substantiate these efforts. Therefore, this paper attempts to study the current status of Vietnam's blockchain technology that has been considered to be the center of blockchain systems right behind Singapore, and its implications for Korean companies.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.163-202
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• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2023

Being one of the first and hardest hit countries by the coronavirus, Iran still continues to preserve its place among nations with the highest rates of infection and COVID-19 related deaths. While on the surface, such worrying status evinces the failure of the authorities in handling the crisis, at deeper levels, it points to the fundamentalist nature of the government and political system of the country. In this view, the current devastating condition in Iran is a clear indication of the all-out influence of the Islamic regime's ideologies on officials' decision-making and their political agendas throughout the pandemic. Accordingly, the staterun mainstream media, as the most preeminent institution of power, have been incessantly engaged in disseminating a series of ideology-laden information around the issues concerning the coronavirus, and in line with the developing political discourses during pandemic. Far from being based on factual accounts or scientific facts, these disseminated messages inevitably grew into a source of disinformation, ultimately resulting in overall public confusion and skepticism. Through examining the data gathered from some of the most prominent online news agencies run by the government, this study identifies five major discursive trends through which the mainstream media propagated ambiguous and manipulative information about COVID-19. These findings are then explained in the light of media system dependency theory, leading to the argument that within autocratic nation-states, public reliance on media during a national/global crisis brings about new opportunities for state exploitation, and further distressing consequences for the people.

• 한류연구
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.15-21
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• 2024

Neo-Confucianism fettered the society and the individuals regulating such aspects as roles and relationships within a family, rites, and ceremonies. The mandated practice of filiality challenged the Confucian paradigm of gender relations, exposing women to men and the notion of following elders' instructions, which preserved authoritarian power relations within an ancestral line. This ideological base was beneficial for preserving social stability and integrity and aimed to create a set of ideals and norms that would apply to everyone, thus keeping people together. This conceptual investigation aims to identify the benefits of accepting Neo-Confucianism during the Joseon Dynasty and how it emerged as the foundation for the nation's and society's governance. Neo-Confucianism was not an immobile value system but an active factor contributing to the success, development, and positive changes in Joseon Korea; it is the aim of this study to provide a comprehensive account and exegesis of the role and impact of Neo-Confucianism in the Korean historical process. The study will examine the lessons that can be drawn from these historical facts of South Korean history in the modern state, particularly in the areas of governance, education, and social integration.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제5호
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• pp.43-80
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• 2007

PASKYULA was formed in September, 1923 through the union of artists involved in two art groups: Kim Ki-Jin, Kim Bok-Jin, Yeon Hak-Nyeon who had previously participated in the ToWolHoi, and Park Young-Hi, Lee Sang-Hwa, An Seok-Ju, former members of the BaeckJo. After its founding, the PASKYULA artists had been searching for the social function of art to reform the harsh reality of Minjung and the nation with criticism toward society as well as art world. Their art theory for MinJung could grow relatively ease in relation to changing social and political conditions in the early 1920s. In August, 1925, PASKYULA organized the Korea Artista Proletaria Federatio with the YeomGunSa, and laid the groundwork for Proletariat art movement which was regularized in the late 1920s. From PASKYULA up to the early state of KAPF, the theory of art advocated by Kim Bok-Jin and An Seok-Ju could be summarized as "art for MinJung". At that time, widely ranging discourses on MinJung, however, was spawned in art theory, because many intellectuals-including artists and writers-begun to pay more attention to MinJung, who emerged as one of the social forces after the Samil Independent Movement. Sometimes, MinJung was construed as the target of enlightenment from a negative viewpoint. On the other hand, several intellectuals under the influence of individualism asserted that the discussion itself on MinJung exerted an evil influence on art. In contrast of these cases, the PASKYULA artists including Kim Bok-Jin, An Seok-Ju perceived that MinJung had the potential to change society, and regarded them as "a creator of genuine civilization and art". In the PASKYULA artist's writings, the concept of MinJung was often overlapped with the meaning of the Choson nation suffering under colony. Although their concept of MinJung was transformed gradually into the proletariat as they were under the strong influence of socialism, it did not change that they grasped the realities of the whole Choson Peninsula through the proletarian consciousness. In the early state of PASKYULA, the methodology for social function of art was presented in a twofold manner. First of all, Kim Bok-Jin emphasized on the necessity of education to improve MinJung's way of life through art, and it was embodied by the organization of ToWol Art Workshop and public lecture. Also, he championed "the popularization of art", which was one of methods to distribute art to MinJung. According to the PASKYULA artists, art should be not art for art' sake but art for MinJung. That was why they advocated the convergence of art and MinJung's life. Especially Kim Bok-Jin affirmed a link between art and industry because he considered industry the field inextricably linked with MinJung's life. In this context, his idea could be read as the generalization and equalization within the framework of possession. Kim Bok-Jin thought that the social ramifications of capitalism deprived MinJung of their right to enjoy art, and emphasized the artist' social role to return the right to them. That is, the even distribution of art was mainly discussed than the contents of art in the half of 1920s. By 1925, the contents of art itself became an issue in the PASKYULA art theory, and it was based in realism. Kim Bok-Jin and An Seok-Ju insisted that art should be reflection of real life. At that time, realism acquired the representation of MinJung and the nation's realities not realistic style. In fact, the various Western art styles including Futurism, Constructivism, Cubism etc. were exploited in the PASKYULA's visual images. Western art, target of criticism on theory, was selectively adopted in the works which were produced by Kim Bok-Jin and An Seok-Ju. Kim Bok-Jin's MoonYeUnDong cover design was conceived of as the example in which Western art was adopted with it's ideology under the influence of MAVO, while Western art shown in An Seok-Ju's illustrations served as a decorative function in many cases. Especially, An Seok-Ju attempted the various styles of Western art simultaneously, which may be seen as representing that PASKYULA did not have a firm ideology for their style. Also, it can be read as showing his hasty zeal to overcome Western art rapidly. The wish to establish "art for MinJung" as soon as possible was accompanied with the will to jump over the all steps of Western art though it was superficial. This aspiration of PASKYULA was expressed through the mass media, which had the potential for communicating to MinJung. At this point, there was a significant disparity between PASKYULA and another art groups in the first half of 1920s. However, the PASKYULA's method on the basis of the mass media could not but have a certain limitation because of the medium's properties. Nevertheless, PASKYULA' attempts may be considered to be valuable in sense that they expended the boundaries of Korean modern art into the commercial art questioning the matter of the distribution for art.

• 한국가정과교육학회지
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• 제29권2호
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• pp.85-111
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• 2017

본 연구는 교육적 인간상의 근본적인 쟁점들을 분석함으로써 가정과교육에서 추구하는 인간상의 바람직한 상태를 설정하고 이에 부합하는 인간상을 설정하는데 그 목적이 있다. 이러한 연구의 목적을 달성하기 위해 인간상과 관련된 자료들을 대상으로 논의된 쟁점들을 분석하였으며 면대면 협의, 소집단 사전 협의, 전문가 협의를 통하여 지속적으로 논의하고 타당성을 검토하였다. 본 연구에서 설정한 바람직한 상태는 이상과 실제의 측면에서 이상적인 지향점을 제시할 뿐만 아니라 이를 구현할 수 있는 실현가능성이 높아야 한다, 보편성과 맥락성 측면에서 교육목표로 기능하기 위해서는 교과 맥락적인 측면이 반영되어야한다, 실천 교과의 철학이 담긴 교육과정 관점 즉 비판과학 관점이 강조되어야 한다는 것이었다. 이러한 바람직한 상태를 바탕으로 교육과정 총론에 나타난 핵심가치를 개인 가족/사회 국가/문화 세계의 세 영역으로 범주화하였으며 전문가 협의를 통해 교육적 합의에 이르고 인간상의 가치가 더 드러날 수 있도록 수정하고 재검토하였다. 마지막으로 각 범주의 진술문을 포함하여 교육과정의 핵심가치를 포괄할 수 있는 포괄적인 인간상의 진술은 '실천적 문제를 적극적으로 해결해 나가는 사람'으로 상정하였다.