• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.107-146
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• 2021

This article examined the current status of performance activities in the theaters in Ulsan during the Japanese colonial period, and examined the characteristics and social roles of performance culture at that time.,The cultural space during the Japanese colonial period can be divided into theater space and semi-theater space.,The theater spaces in Ulsan include Daejeonggwan, Sangbanggwan, and Ulsan Theater. The semi-theater spaces include Ulsan Youth Center, Ulsan Youth Alliance Hall, Barrack Youth Hall, Eonyang Youth Alliance Hall, Eonyang Christian Hall, Eonyang Christian Hall, Eonyang Inn, Eonyang Public Inn, Eonyang Public Normal School, Seosaeng School, Ulsan Public Aid Auditorium, Night school.,These spaces not only held events or performances for a specific purpose, but also played a role as public spaces producing local discourse. The theater was a complex cultural space where performances are performed along with movie performances, and artists and audiences meet.,Furthermore, the theater provided a special experience of producing and consuming various issues such as colonial modernization, modern city formation, and the emergence of new popular culture beyond the meaning of stage space.,The theaters in Ulsan also functioned as a space to represent the foreign culture acceptance, leisure activities, the performance and viewing of cultural contents, and the artistic skills of local artists in accordance with the purpose of establishing local theaters.,It was a base space for local discourse production and enjoyment activities by holding political rallies, meetings, lecture activities, and various conferences.,Political rallies were also concerts, enlightenment activities were also accompanied by film screenings, and music performances were associated with dance performances and charity gatherings.,In particular, Ulsan Theater, which is the first theater in Ulsan, and the role of the public hall, held a lecture, debate, and oratory for public enlightenment along with performances such as musical drama, children's song contest, fairy tale contest, small-sized play performance,, It was widely used as a large-scale rallying place, and served as a public hall, such as a place to visit outside theaters. Thus, the theater and semi-theater space in Ulsan during the Japanese colonial period improved the cultural level of the region, fulfilling the aesthetic needs of the local people and faithfully fulfilling the social role as a public sphere leading the public opinion and agenda.,And it was also positioned as an alternative public area of ​​modern society and also played a role as a public institution.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.325-356
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• 2021

This study is to analyze the current status of transmission and musical characteristics of Naeseo-deulilsori in Changwon, and the purpose of this study is to illuminate the value of deulilsori in Naeseo region, so that it can be continuously inherited. Naeseo-deulsori consists of the Mosimgi-sori, Nonmaegi-sori, and Chingchingi-sori. Mosimgi-sori, which is called when planting a seedling, is divided into 6 types according to the order and situation of work. ① rice planting sound, ② rice planting sound called in the morning, ③ rice planting sound called at lunch time, ④ rice planting sound called after lunch, ⑤ rice planting sound called when it is raining or cloudy, ⑥ rice planting sound called at sunset. Mosimgi-sori, which is called when planting a seedling, is based on Menali-tori, but partly influenced by Yugjabaegi-tori. However, it was typical Menali-tori in the slow The sound of rice planting in the nearby Haman region, but as the speed increased in the fast The sound of rice planting, the characteristics of Menali-tori faded and la↘mi perfect fourth descending frequently appeared. In the sound of rice planting in Goseong, both slow and fast sounds were strongly influenced by Yugjabaegi-tori. In the end, the sound of rice planting in the Naeseo region is less Yugjabaegi-tori than in the Goseong region and stronger than in Haman region. This combination of tori is a musical bargaining phenomenon that appears in the border region, and it can be said to be a geographical and regional characteristic of the Naeseo region. Nonmaegi-sori has the same sound as 'Sangsadeio' throughout the nearby Goseong and Haman regions. However, in Nonmaegi-sori in the Naeseo region, a strong Gyeong-tori tendency is found in the sound received. Looking at the flow of the melody of Nonmaegi-sori, it seems that the pitch has been changed by the intestines in recent years, and this modified melodic form has continued as it is. In order to guarantee locality, this part seems to need to be corrected in the future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.393-413
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• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.415-455
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• 2019

This paper aimed to clarify the identity and category of the Jeong Jeongnyeol-je Chunhyangga from the perspective of the pansori transfer, while revealing the trajectory of Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, which remains in the modern pansori. Jeong Jeong-ryeol's Chunhyangga pansori part has been handed out to date, and except for the love song section, the pansori section, which corresponds to the love-separate-suffering-reunion paragraph, is almost complete. In the case of "Lee Doryeong enters Dongheon," "Hwangneungmyo song," and "The royal secret inspector visits Chunhyang's house to console her", there is a difference in pansori rhythm compared to Chunhyangga, which is currently held. "Why Yi Doryeong came to Chunhyang's House" is used in the form of an Aniri in the current Chunhyangga and "Chunhyang is treated as a virtuous woman in Namwon" is the only one included in Park Rokju's Changbon. "The royal secret inspector gathers people of Namwon to give a feast" is a new part that is not found in Chunhyangga, which is now being held, and can be seen as the Changgeuk sori of pursuing theatrical fun. On the other hand, this paper confirmed that the period between 1936 and 1937, when the Joseon Traditional Vocal Music Group actively performed Changgeuk and the record companies released a series of Changgeuk records, such as and , was an important time for the re-establishment of the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, and that the Chunhyangga of those who had learned it before 1936-1937 was different from those who had learned it after that period. The preceding group includes Park Rok-ju, Kim Yeo-ran and Kim So-hee, while the latter group includes Kim Yeon-soo, Jung Kwang-soo, Park Dong-jin, Jung Kwang-soo and Kang Do-geun. In addition, except for Kim So-hee, these two groups are divided by the time they have learned Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je, whether they inherit the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je from beginning to end, and by the gender of male and female singers. In teaching his pupils, Jeong Jeong-ryeol chose to use the "old-fashioned pansori" teaching method with impromptu plate-making in mind and the "modern pansori" teaching method with stereotyped sounds in mind. As a result, there were two aspects of Jeong Jeongryeol-je Chunhyangga's succession: a female singer-centered succession, which was held as learned from beginning to end, and a male singer-centered succession, which was held differently depending on the pansori schools or versions.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.51
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• pp.5-34
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• 2019

This study is a qualitative study conducted to identify environmental factors that impede emerging artists' ongoing creative activities, focusing on the local cultural ecosystem that they are part of. By doing so, we tried to understand the dynamics between key stake holders in the ecosystem that these young artists interact with and how they build and perceive their own, local cultural environment. The central research question of this study is: what factors impede the continuous creative activities of young artists and what causes them to leave local art scenes? The research was conducted thoroughly on the basis of emerging artists' experience and perspectives and applied to Creative Sector Holistic Model for analysis. The data of this research were collected based on two national-funding projects to support young artists from 2016 to 2018. The main research method of this study was interviews: official and casual interviews were executed with 29 young artists aged 20-34 who work in the fields of painting, literature, sculpture, video, korean traditional music, visual design and crafts. For the analysis of the data, the Creative Sector Holistic Model(Wyszomirski, 2008), which had applied the ecological logic to the creative industries, was applied. The result of this study shows that economic difficulties were not the only hindering factor in their sustainable art-making process. Various impeding factors derived from the local cultural ecosystem have been identified within the Holistic Model, demonstrating that these factors are all intertwined and connected. Thus, analyzing and understanding one's local cultural ecosystem can provide keys to long-term and lasting impacts when a local authorities wish to support young artists for the future of local cultural environment.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.457-507
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to explore the formal and content features of the material for the Changgeuk album , which was produced and released in 1971. Changgeuk album was produced and published as a headword for "Changgeuk". However, it differs from the style of Changgeuk which is treated as a stage drama in that the narrative is developed around the commentary and dialogue in the formal aspect and the Pansori is only partially used. The styles of Changgeuk, implemented through gramophone record, radio broadcasts and television broadcasts, varied widely, unlike those of Changgeuk established in the 1930s. Pansori music wasn't the only center, and traditional performers weren't even the main members of the play. The characteristic form of the Changgeuk album is an experiment of Changgeuk that emerged naturally with radio reading and the advent of radio dramas in the 1950s and 1960s. So it is necessary to pay attention to the Changgeuk album in that it shows diverse forms of experiments conducted by Changgeuk in the newly introduced culture and media in the middle and late 20th century As for the contents of the Changgeuk album , the work embraces Lee Jong ik 's novel (1957), but develops the narrative centering on the life of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師). And it is faithfully portraying the life of a Buddhist monk and the national salvation hero who pursued the original work. This content composition can be understood in the will of singer Lee Yong bae, the soundman who produced the album, and in the flow of historical dramas that summon the historical hero of the old country of the time to the stage. Singer Lee Yong bae reflects on his life in the past when he was full of greed and conceit through his life as a monk of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師) and is greatly impressed by the personal aspect of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師), and these emotions encouraged his creative will. Also, the Changgeuk record is meaningful in that it is one of the specific materials that embodies the national hero as a record and a traditional play under the discourse of the people, the nation in the 1970s.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.123-155
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• 2011

This study aims to closely read Kim Jong-il's "About Stage Drama Arts" and disclose the new reality as evaluated by him. The study took the method by which to compare Kim Jong-il's theory on drama and North Korea's drama theory in the 1950s, and the findings of this study revealed that it was irrational to grant the adjective "new" to Kim Jong-il's drama theory. This is because tradition inheritance and newness cross each other. First, his tradition inheritance aspect was found in his playwriting method. In playwriting method, Kim Jong-il's argument about characters and language is an extension of the 1950s drama theory, and his theory on JongZa(seeds) is the transformation of the concept proposed in the 1950s. Also, the expression means of dramas and drama arts is dialogue, and his guideline to focus on the art of conversation rather than on acting is interpreted to be a reduced concept of drama arts, compared with the 1950s drama theory. On the other hand, his newness aspect can be clearly discovered in the materialization of stage. The fixed stage background, without dark change, shifts to another situation as it is, and this stage setting is clearly distinguished from the previous stage setting. The attempt is worth highly evaluating to allow the stage to reflect actors' emotional flows and let them act. Also, the attempt is distinctively distinguished from previous drama theories to allow the chorus' positive involvement in dramas so as to directly deliver characters' emotions to the audience and to trigger the audience' response as intended by creators. From the perspectives of drama evaluation, Kim Jong-il's theory and practice regarding stage and music is understood to maximize the audio-visual effects. Therefore, Kim Jeong-il's drama theory, as he argues, is not a completely new theory, but a transformational inheritance of existing drama theories, and a creation theory with focus on expansion of spectacles.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.69-96
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• 2019

North Korea has conserved operas in a selective manner. The subject matters of operas recorded in the history of North Korea can be divided into classical tales, translated foreign works, Korean War and war against Japan. Operas that adapted folk classics of the 1950s are considered valuable materials to verify the changes of genres posterior to division of regime between North and South Korea. The officially confirmed works include "Kumgangsan Palseonnyeo (Gyeonwoo Jiknyeo)," "Chunhyangjeon." "Kongjwi Patjwi (Kotsin)," "Ondal," and "Geumnaneui Dal." These works had gone through recreation in terms of realistic situation setting, abolition of class difference, adjustment of social rank and punishment of evil while the base lies in the original folk classics. People emphasized in adapted folk operas are described as those who are hard-working souls without giving importance of difference of social rank, content with the currently living space, devoted to their parents and full of patriotic spirit, and members of community who participate in organized fights against unfair exploitation. This was the fruit of encouragement of work creation supporting union between labor and individual life, destruction of old things and fight promoting this destruction. Folk operas of South and North Korea posterior to Korean War have similarities in that both deal with a love story transcending social ranks and the concomitant conflicts and they focus on the audience who enjoy the operas. Nonetheless, they are different in that this love in North Korea became a tool of educating people wished by the regime, while it became an object of securing the audience by adding the tragic element to love in South Korea. North Korean operas of the initial stage are characterized by playwriting method emphasizing difficult life and compensation of common people, realistic stage expression, accentuation of melody and agreement between notes and lyrics. This was efforts designed to continuously lead senses concentrated from the theater to everyday life of people. In effect, this is in line with the playwriting method of revolutionary operas. Adapted folk operas were subject matters ideal for easily approaching the audience and leaving them good memories at the same time. To realize socialist realism, they went through an experiment of reviewing "people" through the classic folk operas. The possibility of continuation of a work was determined by thorough evaluation after carrying out an experiment in terms of subject matters, theme, music and operation plans from the moment of which the work was on the stage. The sign consisted in the possibility of visit of "Kim Il-sung" to appreciate the work and presentation of directionality. By proposing the clear directionality of which hard-working people who deny social status system can be duly compensated, it encouraged the audience who saw the opera to voluntarily put this in practice. Thus, operas established the directionality through selective processes for creating public communion even before revolutionary operas.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2013

This case focuses on Shanghai Tang, the first truly Chinese luxury brand that appeals to both Westerners and, more recently, to Chinese consumers worldwide. A visionary and wealthy businessman Sir David Tang created this company from scratch in 1994 in Hong Kong. Its story, spanned over almost two decades, has been fascinating. It went from what best a Chinese brand could be in the eyes of Westerners who love the Chinese culture, to a nearly-bankrupted company in 1998, before being acquired by Richemont, the second largest luxury group in the world. Since then, its turnaround has been spectacular with a growing appeal among Chinese luxury consumers who represent the core segment of the luxury industry today. The main objective of this case study is to formally examine how Shanghai Tang overcame its downfall and re-emerged as one the very few well- known Chinese luxury brands. More specifically, this case highlights the ways with which Shanghai Tang made a transitional change from a brand for Westerners who love the Chinese culture, to a brand for both, Westerners who love the Chinese culture and Chinese who love luxury. A close examination reveals that Shanghai Tang has followed the brand identity concept that consists of two major components: functional and emotional. The functional component for developing a luxury brand concerns all product characteristics that will make a product 'luxurious' in the eyes of the consumer, such as premium quality of cachemire from Mongolia, Chinese silk, lacquer, finest leather, porcelain, and jade in the case of Shanghai Tang. The emotional component consists of non-functional symbolic meanings of a brand. The symbolic meaning marks the major difference between a premium and a luxury brand. In the case of Shanghai Tang, its symbolic meaning refers to the Chinese culture and the brand aims to represent the best of Chinese traditions and establish itself as "the ambassador of modern Chinese style". It touches the Chinese heritage and emotions. Shanghai Tang has reinvented the modern Chinese chic by drawing back to the stylish decadence of Shanghai in the 1930s, which was then called the "Paris of the East", and this is where the brand finds inspiration to create its own myth. Once the functional and emotional components assured, Shanghai Tang has gone through a four-stage development to become the first global Chinese luxury brand: introduction, deepening, expansion, and revitalization. Introduction: David Tang discovered a market gap and had a vision to launch the first Chinese luxury brand to the world. The key success drivers for the introduction and management of a Chinese luxury brand are a solid brand identity and, above all, a creative mind, an inspired person. This was David Tang then, and this is now Raphael Le Masne de Chermont, the current Executive Chairman. Shanghai Tang combines Chinese and Western elements, which it finds to be the most sustainable platform for drawing consumers. Deepening: A major objective of the next phase is to become recognized as a luxury brand and a fashion or design authority. For this purpose, Shanghai Tang has cooperated with other well-regarded luxury and lifestyle brands such as Puma and Swarovski. It also expanded its product lines from high-end custom-made garments to music CDs and restaurant. Expansion: After the opening of his first store in Hong Kong in 1994, David Tang went on to open his second store in New York City three years later. However this New York retail operation was a financial disaster. Barely nineteen months after the opening, the store was shut down and quietly relocated to a cheaper location of Madison Avenue. Despite this failure, Shanghai Tang products found numerous followers especially among Western tourists and became "souvenir-like" must-haves. However, despite its strong brand DNA, the brand did not generate enough repeated sales and over the years the company cumulated heavy debts and became unprofitable. Revitalizing: After its purchase by Richemont in 1998, Le Masne de Chermont was appointed to lead the company, reposition the brand and undertake some major strategic changes such as revising the "Shanghai Tang" designs to appeal not only to Westerners but also to Chinese consumers, and to open new stores around the world. Since then, Shanghai Tang has become synonymous to a modern Chinese luxury lifestyle brand.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.288-318
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• 2023

This work began with the aim of examining the history of the concept "cultural property" that is expected to disappear, and the main subject of research was the history that preceded the spread of this notion throughout society. The phrase "cultural property" first appeared in the 1920s, and was used in various fields such as literature, history, music, and philosophy in the context of cultural resources. Until immediately following liberation from the Japanese colonial era, the meaning of cultural assets was widely applied in the range of "cultural resources," and during this period, it was often used to help supplant the reality and history of Japanese occupation. Immediately after the Korean War, it was also employed for the purpose of 'restoration of cultural resources through war'. Recognition of cultural property directly influenced by Japan's Cultural Heritage Protection Act has occurred since 1950s. In the early 1960s, the enactment of various laws related to cultural properties and the establishment of the Cultural Heritage Administration caused the meaning of cultural property to be limited to 'cultural heritage'. In this way, the definition of state-led cultural property has continued to apply to this day. It has not been clearly confirmed whether the concept of cultural properties was imported from Japan through means such as the Cultural Heritage Protection Act. Cases in which several Japanese students endorsed the concept of cultural property within Korea serve to increase the likelihood that the concept was indeed imported from Japan. However, "coined language using multiple Chinese characters," "the phenomenon of cultural complex words in the 1920s,", and "cases of non-Japanese international students using the concept of cultural property" also open up the possibility of their own occurrence. Apart from the general importance of the concept of cultural property, intellectuals at the time used this concept to promote internal development and the overcoming of colonial Joseon. In this research, it was confirmed that the conceptual word cultural property was older and had a wider history than the general perception had indicated previously. The history of the conceptual term "cultural property" may appear to be more than 60 years old based on the enactment of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act, but in fact it is nearly 100 years old when traced back to on 1925, as established here. In general, the creation and disappearance of terms may proceed naturally with social change, but such terms may alternatively be created or erased through national policy. Identifying the origins of a phrase that is about to disappear represents a significant task for purposes of establishing its historical meaning.