• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.43-71
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• 2012

Rural Neo-Confucian Literati were major governing elite in Joseon Dynasty. They were small and medium-sized landowners all over the country and elite having Confucian knowledge. They formed villages of the same family name and exerted their influence on the community showing off their successful ancestors. Therefore, there were lots of examples that they took the actual leadership in local communities. In this sense, the Hwacheon-gun pa family line of the Andong Kweon clan were the representative rural neo-Confucian literati of Hwang-gang and Shindong areas in Jecheon. This group was formed after Kweon Sangha and his brothers' movement in 1675. Kweon was the best pupil of Song Siyeol, a prominent scholar and man of power. Although facing away the government examination, he was respected as sallim, rustic literati, on account of his teaching and writing activities and later called to High State Councillor. After his death, memorial halls and facilities to worship him, including Hwang-gang Sowon Academy, were built in the place he taught students. These facilities contributed to his descendants' acquiring his life values. They also made a contribution to the settlement of reject-heterodoxy sentiments based on their loyalty to the Myeong Dynasty in the area. Kweon Seop, Kweon Sangha's nephew, also played an important role in Hwacheon-gun pa family line's growing as rural neo-Confucian literati in Jecheon area. He built memorial halls to enshrine Kweon Sangha and made rules to develop his family line. In addition, he extended their living space over Hwang-gang area and each place had the shrine to hold a memorial service for their ancestors. As a result, Kweon Sangha and Kweon Seop's family wielded power in Jecheon for hundreds years as the same family name group. Rural neo-Confucian literati didn't produce more elite government officials than the groups in the capital, but their growth enabled cultural development of the local community and the Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.113-156
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• 2016

Media scholars take a lion stake in power circle. Not only do they take a part in media policies but seize prestigious positions like board members in Korea Communication Commission(KCC). Unfortunately, though, little has been known about who they are, what qualifications they have, and whether they meet public interests. This paper attempts to unveil the mechanism of those politicized intellectuals who are specialized on the media. Two categories divided into 'representative' and 'expertise' are employed for this purpose. On the one hand, the representative means the degree of committment into such public services as participation in conferences or non-profit organizations. On the other hand, the number of research articles, books and projects belong to the expertise. Evaluation levels consist of 'excellence, good and average' were allocated to those scholars who are(were) in 'Power Hole,' where decision makings come into being. Some interesting observations were made though this study. First of all, such criteria as representative and expertise vaguely suggested by the laws were hardly fit into those intellectuals, Rarely did they commit into public service let alone showing vigilance in academic activities. Secondly, both ideological loyalty and political activities in line with the government had much to do with taking such positions. Thirdly, not surprisingly, it showed that to graduate from Seoul National University and have Ph.D. degree from U.S.A. was one of the most essential factors. In final, most of them were very good at taking advantage of the press in way of boosting their publicity. To attend at policy making processes either in form of board members or advisers is inevitable for media experts. However, as shown in this study, such qualification of public service and academic eagerness shouldn't be underestimated. Academic integrity not selling intelligence solely for private interests needs to be protected as well. The authors hope this study to provide a valuable opportunity to establish a kind of ethical standards in participating into politics.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.35
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• pp.87-122
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• 2017

1) The passage "Sila seongdae so-seongdae cheonha daepyeong nahu-deog (新羅盛(聖)代 昭盛代 天下大平 羅侯德)" of the Korean Dynasty , corresponds to the primary passage of Cheonyong Rang Manghaesa(처용랑 망해사)>. These passages are ironic expressions of King Heongang's reign. This passage can therefore be interpreted as having the meaning of "People talk about King Heongang who ruined the kingdom. The bright politics of Silla's loyalty is the virtue of King Heongang." 2) "Cheoyong aba isi insaeng-ae sangbuleo hasilandae isi insaeng-ae samjaepalnan-i ilsi somyeol hasyatda (處容 아바 以是人生애 相(常)不語시란 以是人生애 相(常)不語시란 三災八難이 一時消滅샷다)." This was said by Cheoyong(처용), who was unable to reveal his anger while witnessing his wife being raped by Yuk-sin(疫神). This passage means, "Father Cheoyong(처용), in this world if a man does not express anger about the absurdity of the world, he can escape from catastrophe," or, "Father Cheoyong (처용), because in this world you had not expressed anger about the absurdity of world, you could escape from catastrophe." 3) In "maa-man maa-man haniyeo sibi jegug-i moda jiseo syeon aeu cheoyongbi-hal maa-man haniyeo (마아만 마아만 니여 十二諸國이 모다 지 셰온 아으 處容아비 마아만 니여)," the most likely interpretation of Maa is "마아(麻兒)," which means "scarecrow." In this way, this passage emphasizes that Cheyong(처용) is not a scarecrow, but a representative of the eyes of all people in all kingdoms. 4) In "meoja oeyaja logliya ppallina nae singohal maeyara (머자외야자 綠李야 리나 내 신고 야라", meoja (머자) is the double arranging shape of meotda(멎다), and oeyaja(외야자) is the double arranging shape of oeda(외다); those characters mean "ugly" and "wrong for each other." Additionally, Rokri(綠李) can be regarded as an administrator in blue or black clothes who is performing an errand of the yuksin(疫神).

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.50
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• pp.371-394
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• 2018

La estrella de Sevilla, is a representative masterpiece of the Golden Age of Spain, and is a tragic work of Lope de Vega, who was a representative drama writer living in the 17th century. However, regardless of its great literary value, there are insufficient researches on this drama even in Spain, due to several controversies surrounding the truth about Lope's creation. Here, this research concretely investigated the tragic characteristic of this drama, by largely dividing it into the viewpoint of Aristotle and Shakespeare. Thanks to the noble social status of the characters and proper dialogue of the hero Sancho Ortiz in trouble, there seems to be no problem in performing the cathartic function that Aristotle mentioned regarding the work in his review. However, there are a few problems in the aspect of the 'hero's free will to resist the absolute fate,' which is fundamentally the essence of the associated Aristotelian tragedy. Because, there's no Hamartia in this drama, the core mechanism that forms the absolute fate, makes the statement that accordingly, no absolute fate or irresistible force of destiny is established. Rather, the tragic characteristic of this drama can be more properly investigated from the viewpoint of Shakespeare. As noted differently from Aristotle, Shakespeare considered that the tragic characteristic came from the hero's characteristic. According to him, tragedy starts from the hero's value view and personality, instead of the external factors such as an absolute fate. Actually, Busto's death and separation between Sancho Ortiz and Estrella, two tragic affairs of La estrella de Sevilla, were caused by the crooked selfishness of King Sancho IV, who abused his authority, and Sancho Ortiz' excessively blind loyalty to the King, rather than the irresistible event. In conclusion, in light of a lethargic and hopeless situation, with no eventual choice of options before the injustice of absolute power, is must have been a significant tragedy for the audience, witnessing the play's tragic ending.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.20-31
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• 2014

This thesis aims to how Seo Ye-won(徐禮元) who was the main character of Yukjeollyeo(六節閭) which means tangible cultural properties can receive Jeongnyeo(旌閭) and when he received it clearly. Also this thesis concentrates on why the name of 'Yukjeollyeo' was used even if there are five Jeongnyeos in the Yukjeollyeo. Lastly, this thesis also focuses on the people related to YookJeol. Seo Ye-won passed away with his family in 1593 when he acted as a head of local administration. In that time, the Jinjuseong(晉州城) battle was originated from Korea-Japan war(1592). After his death, Hoengseong(橫城) family(門中) and Confucian scholar made petition for administration in 1811. As a result Seo Ye-won and his wife Lady Lee of the Jeonju-Lee clan(全州李氏) were celebrated as the Jeongnyeo and Jeongyeogak was built in 1817. And his son(Seo Gye-seong:徐繼聖), Seo Gye-seong's wife Lady Noh of the Pungcheon-Noh clan(豊川盧氏), Seo Ye-won's daughter who were not married also could receive Jeongnyeo as Hoengseong family and confucian scholar made additional petition for administration in 1832. For these reasons, Jeongnyeogak(旌閭閣) was called 'Ojeongnyeo(五旌閭)'. After that, Miryang(密陽) family wanted to move it because Seon Ye-won is not the eldest son in the Hoengseoung family. But it could not be enforced and they made a new Yeokak(閭閣) and called 'Yukjeollyeo'. From that time to 1945, the name of Jeongnyeo in the Hoengseong had been still used 'OjeongYeo' and the signboard of Yukjeollyeo was hanged in Jeongnyeo in Hoengseong after 1945. Although there are five people who can get prize of Jeongnyeo, the reason why the name of 'YookJeol' is to memorize the loyalty of Seo Gye-cheol(徐繼哲) who was Seo Ye-won's second son. Hoengseong family made a representation to the government in order to made Seo Gye-cheol receive Jeongnyeo but he could not be celebrated. For these reasons, the loalty of Seo Gye-cheol with five people who received Jeongnyeo has been celebrated as 'YukJeol'. Through this study we could find the record of Yukjeollyeo and historic point clearly.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.55-71
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• 2022

Recently, the domestic department store industry is growing into a complex shopping cultural space, which is advanced and differentiated by changes in consumption patterns. In addition, competition is intensifying across 70 places operated by five large companies. This study investigates the determinants of the visits to department stores using the big data concept's automatic vehicle access system (pos) and proposes how to strengthen the competitiveness of the department store industry. We use a negative binomial regression test to predict the frequency of visits to 67 branches, except for three branches whose annual sales were incomplete due to the new opening in 2021. The results show that the demand for visiting department stores is positively associated with airport, terminal, and train stations, land areas, parking lots, VIP lounge numbers, luxury store ratio, F&B store numbers, non-commercial areas, and hotels. We suggest four strategies to enhance the competitiveness of domestic department stores. First, department store consumers have a high preference for luxury brands. Therefore, department stores need to form their own overseas buyer teams to discover and attract new luxury brands and attract customers who have a high demand for luxury brands. In addition, to attract consumers with high purchasing power and loyalty, it is necessary to provide more differentiated products and services for VIP customers than before. Second, it is desirable to focus on transportation hub areas such as train stations, airports, and terminals in Gyeonggi and Incheon. Third, department stores should attract tenants who can satisfy customers, given that key tenants are an important component of advanced shopping centers for department stores. Finally, the department store, a top-end shopping center, should be developed as a space with differentiated shopping, culture, dining out, and leisure services, such as "The Hyundai", which opened in 2021, to ensure future growth potential.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.28-37
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• 2011

In this study, the series-poem, Bihaedangsasippalyoung(48 poems for beautiful scene of Bihaedang), written by scholars of Jiphyonjeon for Bihaedang garden of Anpyung-Daegun(Prince Anpyung, 1416-1453), was analyzed focusing on scenery lexeme to interpret the meaning of scenery and gardening culture of Sadaebu(noblemen) during the first term of Chosun Dynasty. The study result is as followings. First, the subtitle of Sasippalyoung(48 poems) written by Anpyung-Daegun while he grew Bihaedang garden on the foot of Inwang Mountain showed repetitive nomativity comparing joining of yin and yang, such as life and form of animal and plan, time and space, meaning and symbolism, etc. Among scenery lexemes, 38 are represented plant and flowers, and 8 are represented gardening ornaments and animals. Second, the names of gardens were expressed as Wonrim, Jongje, Imchon(Trees and Ponds), or Hwawon(Flower garden), or also presented as Gongjeong(Empty garden), Manwon(Full garden), Jungjeong(Middle garden), Huwon(Backyard), Wonrak(Inner court), or Byulwon(Seperated garden) depending on density and location. In addition, there were pavilions and ponds, stepping stones and stairs, a pergola, a flat bench, flowerpots, an artificial hill, oddly shaped stones, wells, aviary, flower beds, or hedges. A gardener was called Sahwa(flower keeper), planting and gardening of garden trees were called Jaebae(cultivation), a pond island was called Boogoo(floating hill), and miniature landscapes were called Chukjee(reduced land). Third, willows were planted on the outdoor yard, and plum trees were planted in front of the library, which led to bamboo woods road. Peony, camellia, tree peony and crepe myrtle were planted on the inner court with mossy rocks, small artificial hills, glass rocks, flower pots. There were rectangular ponds, while breeding deer, dove, rooster, and cranes. Fourth, landscape elements were enjoyed as metaphysical symbolic landscape by anthropomorphism, such as (1) gentlemen and loyalty, (2) wealth and prosperity, (3) Taoist hermit and poetical life, (4) reclusion and seclusion, (5) filial piety, virtue, introspection, etc. In other words, the garden presented a variety of gardening culture appreciating meaningful landscape, such as investigation of things, reclusion and seclusion, and building orientation of a fairyland yearning eternal youth and Mureungdowon(Taoist Arcadia) by making a garden blending beautiful flowers and trees, with precious birds and animals. Fifth, there were many landscape appreciation schemes, such as Angkyung(looking-up), Bukyung(looking-down), Jeokyung(looking-under), Chakyung(bringing outer space into inside), Yookyung(flower viewing), Yojeong(walking around the garden enjoying flowers), Hwasaekhyangbyuk(flower gardening), and Garden appreciation enjoying landscape through time and seasons with different inspirations.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.40
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• pp.111-131
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• 2015

An unusual success engendering loyalty among cult fans in the United States, Mamoru Oshii's 1995 cyberpunk anime, Ghost in the Shell (GITS) revolves around a female cyborg assassin named Motoko Kusanagi, a.k.a. "the Major." When the news came out last year that Scarlett Johansson was offered 10 million dollars for the role of the Major in the live action remake of GITS, the frustrated fans accused DreamWorks of "whitewashing" the classic Japanimation and turning it into a PG-13 film. While it would be premature to judge a film yet to be released, it appears timely to revisit the core achievement of Oshii's film untranslatable into the Hollywood formula. That is, unlike ultimately heteronormative and humanist sci-fi films produced in Hollywood, such as the Matrix trilogy or Cloud Atlas, GITS defies a Hollywoodization by evoking much bafflement in relation to its queer, posthuman characters and settings. This essay homes in on Major Kusanagi's body in order to update prior criticism from the perspectives of posthumanism and queer theory. If the Major's voluptuous cyborg body has been read as a liberating or as a commodified feminine body, latest critical work of posthumanism and queer theory causes us to move beyond the moralistic binaries of human/non-human and male/female. This deconstruction of binaries leads to a radical rethinking of "reality" and "identity" in an image-saturated, hypermediated age. Viewed from this perspective, Major Kusanagi's body can be better understood less as a reflection of "real" women than as an embodiment of our anxieties on the loss of self and interiority in the SNS-dominated society. As is warned by many posthumanist and queer critics, queer and posthuman components are too often used to reinforce the human. I argue that the Major's hybrid body is neither a mere amalgam of human and machine nor a superficial postmodern blurring of boundaries. Rather, the compelling combination of individuality, animality, and technology embodied in the Major redefines the human as always, already posthuman. This ethical act of revision-its shifting focus from oppressive humanism to a queer coexistence-evinces the lasting power of GITS.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.257-301
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• 2018

The purpose of the study is to examine righteous army activity and combat in Hapcheon during the Imjin invasion period. The resulting conclusions are as follows. First, Chung In-hong raised a righteous army in Hapcheon and Kim Myeon raised an army in Goryeong. Chung In-hong commanded the army and fought against Japanese army with a leadership of knowing the enemy and himself, and Kim Myeon commanded the army and fought against Japanese military with a leadership of harmony. Second, battles of Chung In-hong's righteous army are the first Mugye battle, the ambush battle in Sawon-dong, the Chogye Majin battle, the Aneon battle, and the third Seongju Castle battle. Battles of Kim Myeon's righteous army are the Yeongang battle, the Gaesanpo battle, the second Mugye battle, the Ucheok-hyeon battle, the Jirye battle, and the Sarangam battle. Battles that Chung In-hong and Kim Myeon united and fought are the first and second Seongju Castle battles. In Jeongyu Jaeran, Chung In-hong played a role of Jodosa who takes charge of provisions in the right area of Gyeongsang. In addition, Hapcheon was the access road and transport route where Japanese army entered Jeolla-do. Third, participation and role of Ming troops are part of restraint device against Japanese army with military tactics of ii chei(using foreigners to control foreigners) to remove Japanese army from Joseon and defend Yodong. After a victory of Li Rusong in Pyeongyang Castle in January, 1593(the 26th year of Seongjo), Ming troops pursued practical interest through peace talks rather than active battles. When there was practically Siege of Jinju, Yujeong troops of Ming entered with hand-to-hand martial arts of Sacheon soldiers in late June, 1593, but did not participate because they should wait for orders of Gyeongnyak Song Eung-chang and Admiral Li Rusong. Fourth, in the Imjin invasion period, Joseon suffered terrible damage such as ruin of the whole country by invasion of Japanese army and in need of aid of military rice from Ming troops, but righteous armies and the royal forces in each area cooperated so defeated Japanese army. It is understood through a case of Hapcheon in the right area of Gyeongsang. Especially, Joseon did not succumb to pressure of Ming troops that used full powers to two aspects such as settlement and battle with Japan during the war, and did not lose national confidence and pride by showing a fighting will to fight against Japanese army to the end with independence. Such a spiritual culture originated from homeland protection and loyalty to the king, and is national spirit of resistance that sublimates the united mind and spirit of community to protect a country against foreign invasion.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.383-406
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• 2014

Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon (1513~1577) considered poetry as a part of his life. Therefore, this writer specifically focused on Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon's Chinese poems. The following is the conclusion from the materials discussed in this article. Mi-Am tried to understand literature in ethical perspective. The number of Chinese poems composed by Mi-Am is estimated to be about 300, and the number of pieces that this writer could find was 285. Also, Mi-Am took poem composition seriously, and put emphasis on content more than structure. Among Go Shi, Yul Shi, and Jul gu, Jul gu (especially Chil Un) is the largest in quantity, and it is presumed that he preferred Chil(seven) Un over Oh(five) Un. With regards to Go Shi, there are relatively many Jeon-Go. With regards to Jul gu, which was a poetry composing structure that Mi-Am could make the best use of, they were mostly about the daily lives. And with regards to Yul Shi, there were many poems that expressed his feelings about the real world and self-examination. Mi-Am's poems can be categorized into ones that he wrote when he was on exile, and ones that he wrote while serving for the king again after he got released from exile. During the exile period, self-discipline through learning, friendship, and love for the people were the main themes of his poems, and after being released and started serving for the king again, his poems were mostly about loyalty to the king, interaction with acquaintances, emotions, ancestor worship, self-examination, and conjugal affection through literary communion. Among Mi-Am's poems, there are many that have Eum Song Cha Un included in their titles, and the mainstream of his poems were related to daily lives or experiences. Also, most of them naturally and calmly expressed the fact itself without exaggerating. Mi-Am considered poetry as a part of his life and the fact that he practiced literary communion with his wife by writing poems about the ordinary things happened between him and his wife, Song Duk Bong, is worthy of notice.