• 제목/요약/키워드: lexical stress

검색결과 19건 처리시간 0.028초

Acoustic analysis of English lexical stress produced by Korean, Japanese and Taiwanese-Chinese speakers

  • Jung, Ye-Jee;Rhee, Seok-Chae
    • 말소리와 음성과학
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    • 제10권1호
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    • pp.15-22
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    • 2018
  • Stressed vowels in English are usually produced using longer duration, higher pitch, and greater intensity than unstressed vowels. However, many English as a foreign language (EFL) learners have difficulty producing English lexical stress because their mother tongues do not have such features. In order to investigate if certain non-native English speakers (Korean, Japanese, and Taiwanese-Chinese native speakers) are able to produce English lexical stress in a native-like manner, speech samples were extracted from the L2 learners' corpus known as AESOP (the Asian English Speech cOrpus Project). Sixteen disyllabic words were analyzed in terms of the ratio of duration, pitch, and intensity. The results demonstrate that non-native English speakers are able to produce English stress in a similar way to native English speakers, and all speakers (both native and non-native) show a tendency to use duration as the strongest cue in producing stress. The results also show that the duration ratio of native English speakers was significantly higher than that of non-native speakers, indicating that native speakers produce a bigger difference in duration between stressed and unstressed vowels.

Perceptual weighting on English lexical stress by Korean learners of English

  • Goun Lee
    • 말소리와 음성과학
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    • 제14권4호
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    • pp.19-24
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    • 2022
  • This study examined which acoustic cue(s) that Korean learners of English give weight to in perceiving English lexical stress. We manipulated segmental and suprasegmental cues in 5 steps in the first and second syllables of an English stress minimal pair "object". A total of 27 subjects (14 native speakers of English and 13 Korean L2 learners) participated in the English stress judgment task. The results revealed that native Korean listeners used the F0 and intensity cues in identifying English stress and weighted vowel quality most strongly, as native English listeners did. These results indicate that Korean learners' experience with these cues in L1 prosody can help them attend to these cues in their L2 perception. However, L2 learners' perceptual attention is not entirely predicted by their linguistic experience with specific acoustic cues in their native language.

Acoustic correlates of L2 English stress - Comparison of Japanese English and Korean English

  • Konishi, Takayuki;Yun, Jihyeon;Kondo, Mariko
    • 말소리와 음성과학
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    • 제10권1호
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    • pp.9-14
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    • 2018
  • This study compared the relative contributions of intensity, F0, duration and vowel spectra of L2 English lexical stress by Japanese and Korean learners of English. Recordings of Japanese, Korean and native English speakers reading eighteen 2 to 4 syllable words in a carrier sentence were analyzed using multiple regression to investigate the influence of each acoustic correlate in determining whether a vowel was stressed. The relative contribution of each correlate was calculated by converting the coefficients to percentages. The Japanese learner group showed phonological transfer of L1 phonology to L2 lexical prosody and relied mostly on F0 and duration in manifesting L2 English stress. This is consistent with the results of the previous studies. However, advanced Japanese speakers in the group showed less reliance on F0, and more use of intensity, which is another parameter used in native English stress accents. On the other hand, there was little influence of F0 on L2 English stress by the Korean learners, probably due to the transfer of the Korean intonation pattern to L2 English prosody. Hence, this study shows that L1 transfer happens at the prosodic level for Japanese learners of English and at the intonational level for Korean learners.

영어 억양의 리듬효과 (A Rhythmic Effect of Tone in English)

  • 이주경;강선미
    • 음성과학
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    • 제10권2호
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    • pp.303-318
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    • 2003
  • This paper attempts to investigate the tonal implementations of English stress clash, arguing that a preceding stress shifts leftward when two lexical stresses conflict across word boundaries or that H* and L* pitch accents are alternatively manifested on the stressed syllables, establishing intonational peak and valley contours. We claim that the H*/L* alternation might be a tonal strategy to avoid stress clash, and that pitch could be solely manipulated to display a rhythmic effect with maintaining lexical stress. In the experiment, we examined two-word combinations whose boundaries involve stress clash, and divided them into two categories. One has the preceding words involving a heavy syllable ahead of stress to guarantee the place for a shifting stress and the other, a light syllable, in which case stress shift is completely prevented. We analyzed the distribution of pitch accents in the word combinations, focusing on the pitch configurations in the cases where stress should not be shifted. Results show that approximately 50% of the stimuli show stress shift in the heavy syllable combinations of the preceding words; the preceding stress is moved leftward within the word. The other 50% and the light syllable combinations show various pitch accents patterns; H* and L* alternation, deaccentuation of either stressed syllable, or L-insertion between two H* pitch accents, etc. We interpret this as a rhythmic effect of tone to avoid stress clash and suggest that a true stress clash would be confined into cases without H*/L* contours.

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Amoretti와 Sonnets from the Portuguese의 율격 비교 (A Comparison of Meter in Amoretti and Sonnets from the Portuguese)

  • 손일권
    • 대한음성학회지:말소리
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    • 제63호
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    • pp.23-46
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    • 2007
  • The purpose of this paper is to compare linguistic features of meter in Amoretti and Sonnets from the Portuguese. Amoretti was composed in the 16th century and Sonnets from the Portuguese in the 19th century. Two poems are very strict in satisfying $^*<_I$(LS that makes a lexical stress matched on a strong position. But they allow a peaked monosyllabic word to be matched on a weak position only if it does not violate $^*(\dot{\sigma}\;{\sigma})$. Syntactic inversions which are found in two poems occur to satisfy metrical constraints and rhyme. Particularly, syntactic inversions for rhyme are mainly found in Amoretti, but are rare in Sonnets from the Portuguese which includes many enjambment lines. Furthermore, this paper shows that syntactic inversions can be explained by the interaction of constraints, such as metrical constraints, SCI, and Binary Foot.

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영어율격의 제약 - iambic을 중심으로 - (Constraints of English Poetic Meter : Focused on lambic.)

  • 손일권
    • 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 대한음성학회 2002년도 11월 학술대회지
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    • pp.64-69
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    • 2002
  • This study concerns the constraints of English Poetic Meter. In English poems, the metrical pattern doesn't always match the linguistic stress on the lines. These mismatches are found differently among the poets. For the lexical stress mismatched with the weak metrical position, $*W{\Rightarrow}{\;}Strength$ is established by the concept of the strong syllable. The peaks of monosyllabic words mismatched with the weak metrical position are divided according to which side of the boundary of a phonological domain they are adjacent to. Adjacency Constraint I is suggested for the mismatched peak which is adjacent to the left boundary of a phonological domain; *Peak] and Adjacency ConstraintII for the mismatched peak which are adjacent to the right boundary of a phonological domain. These constraints are various according to the poets(Pope, Milton and Shakespeare) : *[Peak [-stress], $W{\Rightarrow}{\;}*Strength$ and *Peak] in Pope; *[+stress][Peak [-stress] and *Peak] in Milton ; *[+stress][Peak [-stress], $W{\;}{\Rightarrow}{\;}*Strength$ and ACII in Shakespeare.

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영시 율격의 제약 - Iambic을 중심으로 - (Constraints of English Poetic Meter: Focused on Iambic)

  • 손일권
    • 한국영어학회지:영어학
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    • 제2권4호
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    • pp.555-574
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    • 2002
  • This study concerns the constraints of English Poetic Meter. In English poems, the metrical pattern doesn't always match the linguistic stress on the lines. These mismatches are found differently among the poets. For the lexical stress mismatched with the weak metrical position, W⇒ Strength is established by the concept of the strong syllable. The peaks of monosyllabic words mismatched with the weak metrical position are divided according to which side of the boundary of a phonological domain they are adjacent to. Adjacency Constraint I is suggested for the mismatched peak which is adjacent to the left boundary of a phonological domain; /sup */Peak] and Adjacency ConstraintⅡ for the mismatched peak which is adjacent to the right boundary of a phonological domain. These constraints are various according to the poets (Pope, Milton and Shakespeare) : /sup */[Peak [-stress], /sup */W⇒ Strength and /sup */Peak] in Pope; /sup */[+stress][Peak[-stress] and /sup */Peak] in Milton; /sup */[ +stress][Peak[-stress], /sup */W⇒Strength and Adjacency ConstraintⅡ in Shakespeare.

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강음절이 한국어 화자의 영어 연속 음성의 어휘 분절에 미치는 영향 (The Effect of Strong Syllables on Lexical Segmentation in English Continuous Speech by Korean Speakers)

  • 김선미;남기춘
    • 말소리와 음성과학
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    • 제5권2호
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    • pp.43-51
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    • 2013
  • English native listeners have a tendency to treat strong syllables in a speech stream as the potential initial syllables of new words, since the majority of lexical words in English have a word-initial stress. The current study investigates whether Korean (L1) - English (L2) late bilinguals perceive strong syllables in English continuous speech as word onsets, as English native listeners do. In Experiment 1, word-spotting was slower when the word-initial syllable was strong, indicating that Korean listeners do not perceive strong syllables as word onsets. Experiment 2 was conducted in order to avoid any possibilities that the results of Experiment 1 may be due to the strong-initial targets themselves used in Experiment 1 being slower to recognize than the weak-initial targets. We employed the gating paradigm in Experiment 2, and measured the Isolation Point (IP, the point at which participants correctly identify a word without subsequently changing their minds) and the Recognition Point (RP, the point at which participants correctly identify the target with 85% or greater confidence) for the targets excised from the non-words in the two conditions of Experiment 1. Both the mean IPs and the mean RPs were significantly earlier for the strong-initial targets, which means that the results of Experiment 1 reflect the difficulty of segmentation when the initial syllable of words was strong. These results are consistent with Kim & Nam (2011), indicating that strong syllables are not perceived as word onsets for Korean listeners and interfere with lexical segmentation in English running speech.

의미군과 발화의 재구조에 의한 고등학교 영어 읽기와 듣기의 수준별 통합 지도 (The proficiency-based and integrated teaching of High School English reading and listening based on sense group and utterance restructuring)

  • 이순범
    • 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 대한음성학회 2004년도 춘계 학술대회 발표논문집
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    • pp.245-249
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    • 2004
  • The aim of this paper is to show the possibilities of the proficiency -based and integrated teaching of High School English reading and listening based on sense group and utterance restructuring. The proficiency -based and integrated listening and reading activities in stages are as follows. Step1, students fill in the blanks with strong or weak sounding words according to their abilities. Step2, speak along (track) based on restructuring and post-lexical phenomena while listening to the sentence. Step3, read and understand directly the passage, which have been marked the differentiated places where a native speaker of English would beat all likely to pause. Students need to listen to spoken English, so they recognize words in written and spoken form. They must be familiar with suprasegmental features, stress and rhythm, and post-lexical phenomena during reading activities.

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Prosodic Boundary Effects on the V-to-V Lingual Movement in Korean

  • Cho, Tae-Hong;Yoon, Yeo-Min;Kim, Sa-Hyang
    • 말소리와 음성과학
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    • 제2권3호
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    • pp.101-113
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    • 2010
  • The present study investigated how the kinematics of the /a/-to-/i/ tongue movement in Korean would be influenced by prosodic boundary. The /a/-to-/i/ sequence was used as 'transboundary' test materials which occurred across a prosodic boundary as in /ilnjəʃ$^h$a/ # / minsakwae/ ('일년차#민사과에' 'the first year worker' # 'dept. of civil affairs'). It also tested whether the V-to-V tongue movement would be further influenced by its syllable structure with /m/ which was placed either in the coda condition (/am#i/) or in the onset condition (/a#mi). Results of an EMA (Electromagnetic Articulagraphy) study showed that kinematical parameters such as the movement distance (displacement), the movement duration, and the movement velocity (speed) all varied as a function of the boundary strength, showing an articulatory strengthening pattern of a "larger, longer and faster" movement. Interestingly, however, the larger, longer and faster pattern associated with boundary marking in Korean has often been observed with stress (prominence) marking in English. It was proposed that language-specific prosodic systems induce different ways in which phonetics and prosody interact: Korean, as a language without lexical stress and pitch accent, has more degree of freedom to express prosodic strengthening, while languages such as English have constraints, so that some strengthening patterns are reserved for lexical stress. The V-to-V tongue movement was also found to be influenced by the intervening consonant /m/'s syllable affiliation, showing a more preboundary lengthening of the tongue movement when /m/ was part of the preboundary syllable (/am#i/). The results, together, show that the fine-grained phonetic details do not simply arise as low-level physical phenomena, but reflect higher-level linguistic structures, such as syllable and prosodic structures. It was also discussed how the boundary-induced kinematic patterns could be accounted for in terms of the task dynamic model and the theory of the prosodic gesture ($\pi$-gesture).

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