This thesis examined interpreting methodology of Do Won Lew Seung Kug(1923~2011) is based on the principle of Juhng-yaug. His lifelong academic aim was searching for the theory that enables global community to co-exist peacefully through humanitarianism that leads to reconciliation and mutual benefits. The research of the history of Korean thoughts provided him with the clue for his theory. According to Do Won, Korean thoughts pursue the Juhng-yaug's value of 'Yin and Yang accordance' rather than the I-Ching's value of 'suppress Yin and elevate Yang'. He furthermore asserts the concept of the middle (中), which harmonizes the two extremes by human beings as main agents, has been consistently observed from the action of divination during the ancient period through Juhng-yaug in the late 19th century. Do Won identifies 'human maturity that integrates the extremely conflicting insistences and values and seeks to be reconciled' as the basic character of Korean thoughts. He explains 'Hongikingan[弘益人間, becoming beneficial to the human world] is the idea that embraces the conflicting values symbolized by heaven and the earth. He also illuminates that Choe Chi Won(崔致遠)'s created Poongliu Do by integrating heterogeneity among Confucianism, Buddhim, and Daoism and it was attainable through the various works of mature human beings. Both Toe Gye' s philosophy of Ingeuk(人極, the Great Ultimate of Person) and the concept of Innaecheon(人乃天, Human Being right is Heaven) of Donghak are excellent examples of Humanitarianism that sublate two extremes. In Korea, the prototype of this thought has penetrated its entire history in the various circumstances of the period. The grand finale is Juhng-yaug of which the pursued values are 'Yin and Yang accordance' and mature humanitarianism revealed by the thoughts of the Person of the Central Ultimate (皇極人,至人) and Central Ultimate (皇極). Therefore, Humanitarianism in Korean thoughts clearly makes its appearance by the time of Juhng-yaug and it functions as a keyword to illuminate the entire history of Korean thoughts in reverse.
We considered the historical significance and the individual aspects of heroes that are reflected in the historical differences between men and women expressed in the old tales. To achieve this purpose, the paper selects , , , , and as text. Their characters were then catalogued into cultural heroes-Choi ChI-won, popular heroes-Jeon Woo-chI, family heroes-Chung So-jeo, pro-Japanese enlightenment hero-Ilneyomhong and Lee Hyung-kyung. He also tried to achieve his goal by describing the historical significance of the hero's type. China and Joseon were at odds with each other, so their relationship was uncomfortable. It is at the forefront of that concerns this issue. As he was a great writer of Silla, he was able to play a leading role with Chinese writers. We needed Choi ChI-won, a cultural hero, to express our pride that Joseon has a superior culture than China. Joseon was a Confucian society with a strong anti-semitic system. Accordingly, the people were persecuted by the aristocrats for all their centers, and this required a folk hero. He is the leader of the war. Jeon Woo-chI is a real folk hero who solves the people's grudge and wishes through doctoring. As women go back to the late Joseon Dynasty, they change the way women treat men after experiencing war. For this reason, there are novels about female heroes such as <江都夢遊錄>, <朴氏傳>, and <李學士傳>. I think the writer given hope to women who are upset by incompetent men even in their work at the time. Jeongsojeo is a leading hero in the family who is more active than the female lead who is faithful to old wives, but is responsible for helping her husband. Joseon goes through the 淸日 and 露日 wars and is at the center of Japan's prosperity. Japan is the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1905 after the Japanese Resident-General of Korea after heavy emphasis put on with the politics. At this time, he published pro-Japanese newspapers and published pro-Japanese novels to highlight pro-Japanese collaborators. It is Ilneyomhong and Yeoyongwoong.
Memorials in Joseon Dynasty created a arena where the intellectual and political power met. This thesis traces the process of a certain political faction's rebuilding of the political structure of the elite groups by leading the intellectual controversies through memorials, especially those about the evaluations of Pak Setang(朴世堂) and I Gyeongseok(李景奭). This is what happened: Song Siyeol(宋時烈) submitted a memorial which disputed I Gyeongseok's petition, which provoked complete controversies around the memorials between Noron(老論) and Soron(少論). This led to the academic censorship against Sabyeonrok written by Pak Setang. The analysis of act of writing and submission of memorials by Noron and the role of the Kim Family of An-dong(安東 金門) specifically is the main topic here. The members of Soron ceaselessly criticized Song Siyeol, while the Kim Family strongly defended him. The trigger of the strife was a letter written by Kim Chang-Heup(金昌翕), a member of the Kim Family and the Kims played a significant role in the background during the process of political fights using memorials. The series of memorials criticized or supported certain political figure or his writings, but the opinions of Noron and Soron were directly opposite to each other. Even though the expressed difference was the result of the existing political factions, however, it also caused the new power structure of elite groups. The expressions and logics used in the arguments also have its significance. The Noron's memorials evaluated the contemporary people and their writings based on Chu-Hsi and Song Siyeol, who was regarded as a identical figure of Chu-Hsi. The arguments and writing strategies in this regard gained political strength enough to reorganize the intellectual society by changing alignment of political parties, and this led to the rebuilding of academic environment afterward.
After Four-Seven debate in late 16C, Korean Neo-Confucian scholars had developed their theories on human nature and morality such as Insimdosimsoel (theories on the moral emotion and desire), Inmulsoengron(theories on human nature and animal nature), Mibalsimcheron(theories on the calm mind as the embodiment of morality). Confucian scholars had been active member of society since acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. They had the plans of social reforms on the basis of moral self cultivation from the elite Confucians to commoners. So the Confucian scholar took part in the foundation of new Confucian kingdom, the Joseon Dynasty(1392). Kwon gun(1352~1409), the famous Neo-Confucian scholar wrote Iphakdosoel(pictogram for beginer of Neo-Confucianism) which emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and that the mandate of heaven in human nature is identical with Li, the moral principle which the origin of the human intrinsic moral ability as the basis of unity with man and heaven. He thought that ethical life is identical with mandate of heaven, so he insisted all the member of society should follow Li, the moral principle which the origin of human morality and social goodness. Also he emphasized the morality was the intrinsic and most important value of human being. Therefore ethical life became essential part of self cultivation. Joeng Ji-un(1509~1561) wrote the Chunmyongdosoel (pictogram of mandate of Heaven), the start point of Four-Seven debate in mid 16C. Joeng followed Kwon's theoretical line. He emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and the human intrinsic moral ability. He wrote that the Four moral emotions arise from Li, the moral principle of mind, while Seven emotions arise from Ki, vital force of body. He insisted that human being should control Ki, the vital force to follow the Li, the moral principle of mind. This Korean Confucian scholars developed theories of morality and self cultivation. This theories not only show the philosophical speculation of Korean Confucian scholars but also show the social idealism and moral utopianism which grounded on the human morality. So they had trust in human morality which can guide human being into the right track to the good and peaceful society. These tendencies are main characteristics of Korean Neo-Confucianism which has seen from the begining of acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. Some modern philosophical criticism which insist the Korean Neo-Confucian theories such as Four-Senven theories was indulged in academic discussion are not only neglect the historical realty but also ignore the potential of Korean Neo-Confucian heritage.
This paper is a study of the historical significance of The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa temple in the Joseon Dynasty. The Bongeunsa temple was originally a hermitage named Geungseongam, which was located in the Hakdang-dong, Gwangju County, Gyeonggi Province. After that, Geungseongam was named as Geungseongsa temple. Geungseongsa temple was left in that position and acted as the Temples belonging to Royal Tombs(陵寢寺, TRT) of the King Sungjong, later the name of the temple was changed to Bongeunsa Temple. As a result of movement of the royal tomb of the Joongjong(靖陵) next to the royal tomb of Sungjong, the Bongeunsa was also used as a TRT of the Seonjeongneung royal tomb. After that, the grandson of the King Joongjong, crown prince Soonhoe early passed away, Buddhist shrine (願堂) was set in Bongeunsa temple. Bongeunsa temple remained as a royal prayer place, serving as a Buddhist shrine for crown prince Soonhoe and serving as a Jopo temples for Seonjeongneung royal tomb until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. From the time when it was called Geungseongam to the time after when it was renamed as Bongeunsa Temple, this temple performed The water and land ceremony. But the characters changed little by little. From the King Sejo to King Sungjong, The water and land ceremony characterized Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for prince Gwangpyeong, King Sejong, Queen Soehan and served as the Buddhist memorial praying for the well being of the royal family and people. From the time of the King Yonsan to the time of King Myeongjong, The water and land ceremony had strong characters for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for King. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Bongeunsa Temple served as the royal party of The water and land ceremony. On the other hand, after the Manchu war of 1636, Bongeunsa Temple also served as the national water and land ceremony for the victims who were killed in the mountains of Namhan. In the Joseon dynasty, The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa Temple was strongly directed for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for royal family members, and Bongeunsa Temple was maintained as a royal prayer throughout the Joseon Dynasty.
An author is bound to reflect his or her own thinking and inclination in his or her works. The previous studies on Changam(蒼巖), however, mostly discussed the aesthetics in the forms of his introductions and works, hardly addressing his thinking reflected in his works. Recognizing that he had the "reactionism tendency" unlike the Bukhak-School(北學派), which was the cultural mainstream of the days, this study examined the specific patterns of the reactionism calligraphy style in his learning and calligraphy processes and works. He loved to write xing-cao-shu(行草書) with a focus on the materials written in one's own calligraphy, but he also emphasized that one should obtain the force of his or her calligraphy style by mastering kai shu before calligraphy xing cao shu. He thus left a lot of works in the xiao kai(小楷) of the Wang Xzhi(王羲之) calligraphy style throughout his life, which is attributed to the influences of the calligraphers of dong-guk-jin-che(東國眞體) in the latter half of Joseon(朝鮮) and those of Lee Gwang-sa(李匡師), his master in spirit. He is distinguished from the other calligraphers of the times in that he made lifelong efforts to compensate for the lacking stroke of the pen in the model calligraphy of Wang Xzhi. In the calligraphy theory, he put importance on the traditional method of Han-Wei(漢魏) and took Cai Yong(蔡邕) and Zhong Yao(鍾繇) as the fundamentals. For da kai(大楷), he constantly practiced the with the stroke of the pen by added to it, the letters of Wei(魏) Wudi(武帝), by Yan Zhenqing(顔眞卿), and letters of Kim Saeng(金生). His late works using the intended conception of and , in particular, present his unique calligraphy style that added the crooked forms of to the shapes of characters of that were in the kai-shu(楷書) style. It is a limitation that a considerable number of calligraphy materials Changam studied or consulted were either reprint copy or block book rather than original rubbing edition due to time and space restrictions. However, it is also true that those restrictions made an important contribution to his creation of his unique calligraphy style with deep local colors at the result of his constant efforts.
This research is a part of basic research on Gyeonggi Kamyoung focused on reconstruct personnel organization and facility of Gyeonggi Kamyoung, the only Kamyoung without a Kamyoung Record, which should have been recorded on it. Excluding Gyeonggi Kamyoung, other 7 Kamyoung each have its Kamyoung Record that shows their detailed history and set up. Due to lack of information about Gyeonggi Kamyoung, this research set objective on reconstructing Kamyoung Record of it with fragments of information on multiple historical records. By doing this, this research will also be a background for general research on distinguishing administrative unity from regional uniqueness of all 8 provinces Kamyoung. Kamyoung's personnel organization is sorted into government official from central government and Yeongli and staff. The information about the government official on this research is based on "Ki-Yung-Jang-Gae- Deung-Rok"'s personal assessment. According to it, Dosa Junggun Geomlyul had the same task and position as others in different provinces did. The difference Gyeonggi Kamyoung had was an absence of Sim Yak since 1700 while others still had it. The information about Yeongli and staff's organization was based on "Ki-Yeong-Sin-Jeong-Sa-Le". In Gyeonggi Kamyoung, along 6-Bang, there were 208 Yeongli and staff categorized into 50 different official duties. Also, compared to other Kamyoungs, Youngli's scale was smaller. Kamyoung's facility inside Pojeongmun and wall is distinguished from other Kamyoung related facilities in this research. Organization of facilities inside Pojeongmun and wall is based on "Gyeonggi-Kamyoung-Do". Like other Kamyoungs in different provinces, Seonhwadang, which is the main building, is located in the center and had a similar organization. Significant point was that Gyeonggi Kamyoung had both Youngli-Cheong and Hyeongli-Cheong at the same time. In the dense and developed area outside of Seodaemun, Gyeonggi Kamyoung had its related facility around it in small scale.
This thesis aims at examining his understandings about the The Great Learning centering on the of the founder of the YiYongHuSaeng School (利用厚生學派: A school who pursued prosperous economy and welfare of people) orthe BukHak School(北學派: A positive school that pursued mercantilism) from the Joseon Dynasty, Dam-Heon Hong Dae Yong (1731-1783). 1) From what is indicated in the , his studies mainly focused on the annotations from DaeHakJangGuDaeJeonJipJu ("大學章句大全集註": A book that edited different phrases from the Great Learning into chapters and paragraphs), Questioning of the Great Learning", and "JuJaUhRyu (朱子語類: A book of Confucian literature written by Yeo Jung Deok" of Zhu Xi who was a representative scholar of the Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. 2) Acknowledging entirely the arguing points of Zhu Xi, he is taking a critical position in a way that partial doubts are divided into seven chapters and questioned. 3) For the main characteristic and direction of the questioning, he is estimating that Zhu Xi only stressed the 'means' and 'interior' out of the world of 'means and ends' and 'interior and exterior' in Zhu Xi's recognizing and handling cases; instead, he emphasized putting equivalent value on the 'ends' and 'exterior' as well. 4) In fact, such questions raised partially were misconceived since they were not carried out through profound understanding nor systematic logic expansion of what Zhu Xi insisted. 5) Despite this, at the point where Neo-Confucian thoughts were fixed and weakened only with its form left in the late Joseon Dynasty, his perspective on the study of Confucian classics that the 'ends' and 'exterior' should be as equally valued as the 'means' and 'interior' by examining through the core text of the Neo-Confucianism, The Great Learning has its significance in his YiYongHuSaeng dogma that says politicians, by all means, should provide the ruled with economic convenience and welfare and this is their very right virtue.
The Swedish labor market secures flexibility in the use of labor force by means of non-regular workers such as temporary workers among others instead of regular workers' layoffs. Although the labor law reform in the late 2000s made it easier to use temporary workers and the outbreak of the economic crisis strengthened the power of user firms against labor unions, the size of temporary workers was scaled down. It is the aim of this study to analyze the change in the use of temporary workers, to examine the effect of the labor law reform and that of economic crisis in that regard, and to explain how, over the use of temporary workers, user firms' strategy to secure flexibility and labor unions' strategy to regulate flexibility interact with each other so as to establish a new equilibrium through conflicts and compromises. The labor law reform to enhance the flexibility in the use of temporary workers failed to entail amendments of collective contracts. Besides, out of the economic crisis, user firms adopted a new policy to use third party workers more, refraining from employing temporary workers. That's why the number of temporary workers has declined eventually. User firms prefer to use third party workers because they could avoid their own responsibility as an employer and they could rely on 'permanent temporary' workers without any time limit. Labor unions, however, responded with a strategy to lay more strict regulations on the use of third party workers, so that third party workers could be used only for limited cause for external numerical flexibility. As a result, the managed flexibility thesis comes to prevail to the usage of non-regular workers in general beyond the category of agency workers. Korea with severe abuse of third party workers should learn from Swedish labor unions' strategy to provide third party workers with stronger employment security and higher wages so as to prevent user firms from abusing third party workers.
Noju Oh Hui-sang(1763-1833) is one of the neo-Confucian scholars representing with Hong Chik-pil the Kiho-Nak School from the late 18th to the early 19th century. He did sincerely not only succeed theories of Kiho School originated from Yulgok, but also strengthened the main view of the Nak faction by clarifying the theoretical stance of it derived from Kim Chang-hyop. Not only he does suggest critical points of view against Ho faction in terms of Horak Controversy, but also criticizes heterodox account, which raised by an inner circle of Nak faction. In this vein, Oh established the neo-Confucian ways of realization of morality and ideal society by setting up his own points of view on mind and bright virtues that are followed by various issues of Horak Controversy. My paper will examine the values of Oh's account of Nature-Principle in the light of intellectual historical context by paying a special attention to his critical views of Ho faction. Oh's main idea is how to systematize practical foundation of realizing morality. Thus, he wants to theoretically explain both the practice of morality and the reality of pure moral mind in order to establish concrete practices of them in the real world. In doing so, he pays attention to mutual inclusive relationship between Principle and Matter(ki:氣). The mutual inclusive relationship between them can be exactly applied into the relationship between mind and Nature. So, the realityof moral principle explicitly implies the pure goodness of moral agency. Furthermore, his elucidation of logical relationship between mind and Nature and its values via the ontological understanding of them is to set up a system of cultivation, i.e., realizing practical foundation of pure moral mind. In conclusion, we can evaluate that Oh's account of Nature-Principle, at least, aims not only at establishment of moral agency and its reality in a theoretical dimension, but also at a guarantee of their realization in the world.
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