• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제32권6호
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• pp.498-512
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• 2017

The aim of this study was to introduce the foods recorded in "Bongjeopyoram", a cookbook, of which the date of production and author are unknown. This was described in an old document belonging to the Hansan Lee family clan from Chungcheongnam-do and revealed its content and significance in the food culture history of Korea to academia for the first time, A close examination of "Bongjeopyoram" showed that, as with other cookbooks from the Joseon Dynasty, it started with methods of making alcoholic beverages. This was followed by recipes for different types of food in the following order: rice cakes and confectioneries, jeol-sik (seasonal foods), daily meals, foods made for jesa (ancestral rites) or a feast, food for weddings, and food for sijeol-jesa (seasonal ancestral rites). The book contained a total of 18 types of alcoholic beverages, 11 types of rice cakes and confectioneries, 20 types of daily meals, 28 types of jeol-sik and food for sijeol-jesa, 12 types of food for jesa and feasts, and 37 types of food for weddings, for a total of 126 types of food and beverages. "Bongjeopyoram" was an ancient cookbook with detailed records on how to carry out jesa, which was an important event hosted by jonggas, or the head family of a family clan, and how to receive and serve guests in the Joseon period. This book is expected to play a valuable role as a guidance with significance as a cookbook of a jongga from the Joseon Dynasty, a time when bongjesajeopbingaek (hosting jesa for one's ancestors and serving one's guest) was considered important.

• 한국산업융합학회 논문집
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.59-68
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• 2023

A new type of private education institute appeared starting from the 16^th century, called Seowon consist of educational spaces and Jesa(a form of memorial ritual for the family's ancestors) space. Seowon Architecture is representative Confucian Architecture. Seowon is a kind of private school and it is a higher educational institute. the time of establishment was from the middle of 16^th century to the end of 19^th century, but the famous Seowon which remains up to now had been mainly built from the end of 16^th century to the beginning of 17^th century. Seowon was built on a quiet place far from the town for Students and Scholars to concentrate on their study. and it has beautiful surrounding scenery. Seowon has a place for study in the front and a place for sacrifice at the back regardless of configuration of ground. Gangdang is a building in the place for study in which teacher and students study. It is smilar place to Myongryundang of Hyanggyo. As a plan composition, there is a wide Daechong and two rooms at the both sides. Infront of Cangdang, there are Dongjae and Seojae on the right and the left side which are student' dormitory. This study argues that the Confucianist ideas and topography are the factors that determine the hierarchy Seowon. In light of this, A Study on Spatial Configuration of Education Area in Do-dong Sewon attempted to conduct an analysis by applying such backgrounds, and therefore studied the arrangement rules and construction methods for Seowons.

• 한국조리학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.280-295
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• 2014

본 연구는 안동지역을 방문하여 향토음식으로서의 헛제사밥을 구매한 관광객을 대상으로 헛제사밥에 대한 스토리텔링 체험이 있는 집단과 그렇지 않은 집단으로 나누어, 첫째, 이 두 집단 사이에 지각된 경험가치, 태도, 재구매의도에서 차이가 나는지를, 둘째, 전체 집단을 대상으로 지각된 경험가치가 태도와 재구매의도 각각에, 또한 태도가 재구매의도에 미치는 인과관계 영향을, 셋째 경험가치와 태도 각각이 재구매의도에 미치는 인과관계에서 스토리텔링 체험유무가 조절역할을 하는지를 파악하고자 하였다. 설문지를 사용하여 211명의 표본으로부터 실증 분석한 결과 다음과 같은 결과를 얻었다. 첫째, 헛제사밥에 대한 스토리텔링 체험이 있는 관광객들은 스토리텔링이 없는 관광객들보다 경험가치, 태도, 재구매의도에서 유의적으로 평균값이 높았다. 둘째, 전체 관광객들이 가지고 있는 헛제사밥에 대해 가지고 있는 경험가치는 태도에 그리고 태도는 재구매의도에 유의적으로 정(+)의 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 헛제사밥에 대한 스토리텔링 체험을 가지고 있는 관광객들은 스토리텔링 체험을 가지고 있지 않은 관광객들보다 태도가 재구매의도에 미치는 인과관계의 강도에서 유의적으로 높은 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 연구결과는 향토음식으로서의 헛제사밥이 많은 관광객들이 재구매하도록 하기 위해서 맛과 스토리텔링 등에서 변화를 꾀하여 메뉴로서의 가치를 높일 필요가 있다. 또한 본 연구의 한계와 미래의 연구 방향이 논의되었다.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제31권4호
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• pp.300-324
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• 2016

This paper investigated monthly meal composition and type of foods prepared for Dalye (ancestor rituals) over a period of 1 year based on the records in Sakmangdalye-deungnok and reviewed the ingredients for Dalye foods. From the results of our survey, 19 to 20 dishes were served in Sakmangdalye. 24 to 25 different foods were served in Sakdalye. Foods for Sakdalye consisted of Silkwa, Jogwa-Gwapyun, Jeongkwa or Suksilkwa, Hwachae-Sujeonggwa, Tteok, Cho, Jeonyueo, Sugyuk, Jjim, Hwe, Po, Sikhye, Tang, main dish-Guksu or Mandu, and Jang. Ingredients used in Sakmangdalye were recorded in a very integrated and simple manner in Sakmangdalye-deungnok. All ingredients were categorized into three groups: Kwasil (Fruits), Byeongmisikseung (Rice cakes etc.), and Muyeok (purchases). Sakmangdalye-deungnok was helpful in consulting dishes and ordering ingredients when a table for Dalye was set. Moreover, it was written simply enough so those who were in charge of preparing food could easily understand. This paper establishes Sakmangdalye-deungnok as one of the key materials for Royal Cuisine.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제14권11호
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• pp.944-954
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• 2014

이 글은 자본주의 사회에서 전통음식이 과거에 대한 "향수"를 자극하며 재창조되고 소비되는 방식에 대해 논의한다. 이 글은 사찰음식과 안동음식이 재탄생한 과정 등의 사례 분석을 통해 오늘날 전통음식이 상품화되는 과정에서 탈맥락화의 과정을 거친다고 주장한다. 또한 고대 중국 사회에서 채식문화가 불교문화의 일부로 인정받기 시작한 과정을 되짚으며 불교의 채식문화가 여러 환경요인에 의해 발명된 문화라는 점을 밝히려 한다. 고대 중국사회에서 채식문화가 불교사상을 전파하기 좋은 도구로 자리 잡았다면 오늘날 사찰음식은 불교사상의 전파보다는 상품화와 소비를 가능하게 하고 있다. 이 논문은 현대 한국사회에서 전통음식이 다시 인기를 끌고 있는 현상에 초점을 맞추어 이와 같은 현상이 현대 한국사회의 소비자들의 심리와 요구를 어떻게 반영하는가를 살펴본다. 그리고 현대 한국사회에서 각광을 받고 있는 전통음식 문화가 자본주의 사회 내에서 대항문화로서 자리매김할 수 있을지에 대해 논의한다.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제32권5호
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• pp.95-105
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• 2023

Focusing on Hwaseokjeong in Paju, the work seeks to clarify the social production of Nujeong (樓亭: Korean traditional pavilions) space, which took place over the 1960s and 70s, and its cultural-political implications. To make the effort as such meaningful, a theoretical framework based not merely on the thesis of 'social production of space' advocated by Henri Lefebvre but especially on some discussions related to 'state production of space' is prepared, according to which Hwaseokjeong is analyzed and explained. As a consequence, two principal arguments are put forward: one is that Hwaseokjeong was a social space which had been built and constructed in accordance with the unique mode of production dominating Korean society at that time called 'the state mode of production (le mode de production étatique)'; the other is that what lies beneath the denotation of a 'social space of tradition restoration' that Hwaseokjeong appears to carry is in fact the connotation of 'infiltration of anti-communist ideology'. All of these claims are once again supported both by examining Roland Barthes's semiology and mythologies and by considering Hwaseokjeong's P yeonaek (扁額: a plaque or framed text) as 'the practice of naming power through Jesa (題詞: inscribing dedications)'. While providing a succinct summary, the paper finally evaluates what 'social production of space' implies to social practices of architecture and related criticisms by taking into account the relationship between visibility and readability of space including buildings.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제34권5호
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• pp.495-507
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• 2019

This study investigates the Gabo Jaedong Jemuljeongnyechaek, which is the recording of the darye executed over a period of a year in 1834 ($34^{th}$ year of reign by King Sunjo) in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, two years after the death of Princess Bokon, the $2^{nd}$ daughter of King Sunjo. Accordingly, we examined the types of darye (tea ceremonies) and the characteristics of the composition of foods at ancestral rites of the royal families of Joseon. Moreover, we also analyzed the cooking methods and characteristics of food terminologies used in the darye. This includes 39 categories of food and ingredients used for tea ceremonies held for one year, on behalf of the deceased Princess Bokon in 1834. The darye for the monthly national holiday was held along with the darye on the $1^{st}$ and the $15^{th}$ day of every month. The darye for rising up and the birthday darye were held on May $12^{th}$ and October $26^{th}$ of the lunar calendar, being the anniversaries of the death and the birth of Princess Bokon, respectively. The birthday darye and the darye for New Year's Day, Hansik ($105^{th}$ day after winter solstice), Dano ($5^{th}$ day of the $5^{th}$ month of the lunar calendar), and Thanksgiving "Chuseok" were held in the palace and at the burial site of the Princess. During the darye for rising up in May and the Thanksgiving darye at the burial site in August, rituals offering meals to the deceased were also performed. The birthday darye at the burial site of Princess Bokon featured the most extensive range of foods offered, with a total of 33 dishes. Foods ranging 13~25 dishes were offered at the national holiday darye, while the darye on the $1^{st}$ and the $15^{th}$ of the month included 9~11 food preparations, making them more simplified with respect to the composition of foods offered at the ceremony, in comparison to the national holiday darye. The dishes were composed of ddeok, jogwa, silgea, hwachae, foods such as tang, jeok, jjim, hoe, and sikhae, and grain-based foods such as myeon, mandu, and juk. Foods offered at the burial site darye included 12~13 dishes comprising ban, tang, jochi, namul, chimchae, and jang. Meals offered at the darye had a composition similar to that of the daily royal table (sura). Darye recorded in the Jemuljeongnyechaek displayed characteristics of the seasonal foods of Korea. Jemuljeongnyechaek has detailed recordings of the materials, quantities, and prices of the materials required for preparations of the darye. It is quite certain that Jemuljeongnyechaek would have functioned as an essential reference in the process of purchasing and preparing the food materials for the darye, that were repeated quite frequently at the time.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.21-42
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• 1993

To understand the dietary culture in Poongki region which was established as Kamrokchon of a folk community, the transmission pattern of the traditional dietary life was investigated by questionnaire to 383 housewives, and the results are as follows : 1) Daily diet : Among 65 traditional main dishes of 6 areas including Kyungsangdo, D’cokguk of Kyungsangdo was consumed most frequently, 87%. General consumption rate based on origin of food was 33.3% of Kyungsangdo, 21.2% of Chungchongdo, 13.1% of Kangwondo, 11.9% of Hwanghaedo, 1.1% of Pyungando and Hamkyungdo, respectively. Among 243 traditional minor dishes, Doenjangjjigye and Kochuchang of Kyungsangdo were most consumed as rates of 91.6%, 89.3%, respectively. General consumption rate based on origin was in order of 38.4% of Kyungsangdo, 19.3% of Chungchongdo, 14.9% of Kwangwondo, 10.4% of Hamkyungdo, 8.7% of Hwanghaedo and 8.3% of Pyungando. 2) Special diet : Among 66 traditional D’ocks, Injeolmi of Hamkyungd was consumed most freguently, 58%. General consumption rate based on origin was in order of 26.3% of Hwanghaedo, 17.6% of Kyungsangdo, 16.1% of Kwangwondo, 16.0% of Hamkyungdo, 13.0% of Pyungando and 11.0% of Chungchongdo. Among 27 cookies, Kangjeong of Hamkyungdo was consumed most frequently 46.7%. General consumption rates based on origin was in order of 55.7% of Hamkyungdo, 22.7% of Kyungsangdo, 2.4% of Pyungando, 5.8% of Kwangwondo, 3.0% of Chungchongdo and 0.4% of Hwanghaedo. Among 19 refresh drinks, Kamju of Kyungsangdo was consumed most frequently, 76.0%. General consumption rate based on origin was in order of 74.3% of Kyungsangdo, 7.8% of Chungchongdo, 6.9% of Hamkyungdo, 5.9% of Hwanghaedo and 5.1% of Kwangwondo. 3) Ceremonial diet : Myyeogguk and Baeksulgi for the 100-Days ceremony and Hynbab and Baeksulgi for the First Birthday were used mainly. For birthday, noodle(59.5%) for lunch besides rice as main dish and Soojeoggwa(37.9%) were served and noodle(30.8%) was used for host. Thirty percent of the varieties used traditionally for Pyehak and 40-50% of the varieties for Jesa(Memorial day) are still prepared currently. 4) Seasonal diet : For Jeolsik(major seasonal diet), the usage rates are as follows : D’ockguk(87%) for Jeongwolchoharu, Ogokbab(77.6%) for Jeongwoldaeborum, Patjuk(72.6%) for Dongji, Samsaeknamul(54.1%) for Chusuk. Relatively high usage rates of Surichi-D’ock(40.5%) for Dano and Mandu(40.5%) for Suddalgumumnal are probably due to the immigrated people from this area and the geographical effect. The consumption rates of Sisik(minor seasonal diet) for Chunghwajeol, Samjinal, Youdooil, Chungyangjeol and Muoil are about 10% and the rates for Chopail and Chilsuk are followed. Gaejang and Nangmyon for Sambok used as a rate of 32%. 5) Others : Table pattern; Table for one person(4.7%), table for two(16.7%), table for several(64.2%), table with chair(14.4%) are used. Serving pattern; All-together style(69.7%), monopoly style(24.0%), personaldish style(6.3%) are used. Cooking ware; Among 95 varieties, Doma and Jangban are used most(62.7%) and Pulmae, Poonju and Budulgori are never used. Nine sorts besides Jeongoltle are used as a rate of less than 1%. About 25% of total subjects were the immigrants from other areas. Some of them were moved in due to Chunggamrok. In conclusion, the usage of the traditional food is thought to be maintained well despite of the rapid change to incustrialized society because the native Kyungsangdo foods are combined with foods from the neighboring Kwangwondo, Chungchongdo and northern area.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제69호
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

사옹원(司饔院) 분원(分院)의 공인(貢人)이었던 지규식이 1891년 1월 1일부터 1911년 윤6월 29일까지 20년 7개월에 걸쳐 거의 매일 쓴 "하재일기"에는 보고 들은 국내외 정세와 풍속, 의례, 분원 관련 각종 제반사항, 일상생활사 등을 다방면에 걸쳐 다양하게 기록으로 남기고 있다. 필자가 여기서 주목한 것은 "하재일기"에 기록된 민속 관련 내용이다. 지규식은 양반이 아닌 신분으로 당시 실제로 행했던 세시풍속 민속놀이 의례 민간신앙 등 민속 관련 내용을 "하재일기"에 기록으로 남겼다. 이러한 일기는 드물 뿐만 아니라 자료적으로도 그 가치가 매우 높이 평가되며, 민속학적으로도 의미가 있다. 그러므로 필자는 "하재일기"에 나타난 민속을 연구하기 위한 작업의 일환으로 국가의례와 민간신앙에 초점을 맞추었다. 앞에서 논의된 사항들을 요약 정리하면 다음과 같다. 국가의례의 경우, 가례(嘉禮)는 황제의 즉위기념일과 황제 황태자 탄신기념일 관련 기록만 전하고 있어 아쉬움이 남지만, 국가적인 기념식과 경축식행사를 백성들이 충실하게 실행하였는데 의미가 있다고 하겠다. 특히 이러한 국가적인 기념식과 경축식행사 때 학생들에게 애국가를 제창케 했다는 사실이 눈길을 끈다. 흉례(凶禮)는 궁중상례 관련 내용만 전하고 있는데, 민비의 상례를 제외하고는 궁중 상례를 종전처럼 절차에 의해 제때 제대로 치루고 있었을 뿐만 아니라 백성들도 정부의 명에 따라 이를 잘 실행하였던 것으로 보인다. 그리고 일본인들이 민비를 살해하고 석유를 뿌려 시신을 불태워 재로 된 것을 버려둔 채 간 사실을 확인할 수 있었다. 민간신앙의 경우, 분원에서 정기적으로 동리의 신사를 지냈고, 동리에서도 매년 고청신사를 지냈는데, 제사비용은 마을 사람들의 경제적 사정에 따라 차등적으로 배분해 추렴하고, 마을 사람들 모두 힘을 합쳐 제수를 준비하고 제사를 지냈다. 제사는 산신당과 부군당에도 지냈으며, 무당을 불러 굿을 하는 것이 통례였다. 이는 자료적으로 가치가 있다. 그런데 지규식은 기독교인이 된 후, 회사에서 지내는 신사 제사를 폐지하려 한 적이 있을 뿐 아니라 새신(賽神), 즉 굿이나 푸닥거리하는 것도 없애려 했지만, 전례대로 어쩔 수 없이 따랐다. 한편, 지규식은 마을에 홍수가 나고 전염병이 퍼지자 마을의 안녕과 건강을 위해 자기 집 앞에 제단을 설치하고 희생과 술 등 제수를 갖추어 마을사람들과 함께 황천후토(皇天后土)에 제사를 지냈다는 내용이 있는바 주목할 필요가 있다. 그리고 지규식은 집안에 우환이 있을 경우, 무당을 불러 굿을 하거나 산신에게 치성을 드리는 등 이러한 무속이나, 주로 정초에 관성제군(關聖帝君)을 참배하고 한 해의 운수를 점쳤던 것들은 모두 민간신앙으로서 당시 민간에 널리 퍼져 있었을 뿐 아니라, 그의 생활 속에도 깊숙이 자리 잡고 있었던 것으로 보인다. 또한 지규식의 풍수신앙 선호도 당대인들의 일반적인 인식태도와 다르지 않다고 여겨진다. 이상에서 보듯, "하재일기"에 나타난 국가의례와 민간신앙 관련 내용은 자료적으로 가치가 있을 뿐 아니라, 민속 연구의 일환으로도 의미가 있으며, 민속학적으로도 나름대로 의의가 있다고 하겠다.