• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.103-117
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• 2013

This research analyzed the spatial components and establishment of the Tap-gol Park according to the plans between 1897 to 1916 when the discussions on the construction of the park began and it was accomplished as an urban park. The results are as follows. The establishment of Tap-gol Park can be divided by three period. Firstly, Tap-gol Park was owned by the royal family from 1987 to 1904. The discussions on construction of Tap-gol Park as a first urban park of Gyeongseong(京城) in 1897, and the private houses were tear down in order to secure land for the park in 1899. Gates and fences surrounding of Tap-gol Park were organized and it was opened in 1902 based on park plane of turtle - shaped. The octagonal pavilion for 'Lee-Wang-Jik musical band(李王職音樂隊)' was relocated in the southwestern part of the park in 1903. Secondly, Tap-gol Park was used actively by the public between 1910 to 1913, because it was opened for individuals. Also The boundary of Park were changed by surrounding facilities and recreational facilities and benefits was complemented for users. Tap-gol park was opened at nighttime in August 1913. Tap-gol Park was used as a place of amusement park. Thirdly, commercial facilities were made as the park facility between 1914 to 1916. The purpose of 'Kkikdajeom(喫茶店)' was similar to the one of modern cafes. It was built as a typical Japanese tea-house with a small pond having an island and a bridge constructed inside. With the increase of usage of Tap-gol Park as a recreational area by the citizens in 1916, the pavilion as a rest area and toilet as amenities were supplemented. Superintendent's office was equipped too. Simple chairs made from the wooden logs were installed around greenhouse, concert hall, the Wongaksa Buddhist temple(圓覺寺址十層石塔), and the flower garden was fenced round. After the relocation of Yongsan music band to Tap-gol Park, the existing concert hall was demolished. The shape of the park which was seen from the pictures of the magazines of 1920s were achieved as early as 1916. The importance of this research includes the basis to revise the errors of the preexistence researches and value of historical material of the design plan reference of the park which was accomplished during the Japanese colonial era. Also this research is to study on the spatial components of the modern landscape architecture and parks.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.22-32
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• 2013

This study aimed to reveal the establishment process and design concept of KoKwan park built in modern Busan, which is called three major park includes YongDuSan park and TaeJeong Park, by analyzing BusanIlbo published modern period in Busan and 'Busan' published modern Busan prefecture. In KoKwan, there was installed DuMoPo Waegwan. The Japanese residents built the cemetery and memorial stone for Tsunohe Heigo's sudden death in the KoKwan hill, who was an envoy dispatched by Tsusima prefecture, in order to enhance awareness of the old territory DuMoPo Waegwan. In 1916, the Japanese residents repaired ruined the place by rasing funds and donated to Busan prefecture. Busan prefecture went public this place as a park. Meanwhile, In order to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the opening of Busan port, Oike Chusuke's memorial statue was built in private house neiboring KoKwan park. He became the richest person in Busan while engaged in commerce and industry since he come to the Busan the year before the opening of Busan port. He donate garden site includes his statue and 10,000 Won for KoKwan park construction expenses to Busan prefecture Busan prefecture invite Oya Rejo, who was Osaka-Hu's landscape designer, to design the KoKwan park. He visited Busan and survey KoKwan park and other Busan's park and submitted the plan to Busan prefecture. His Plan for KoKwan includes shrine and Oike's statue, arboretum and greenhouses, children's play garden, etc. Oya's design concept of KoKwan park was analyzed as follows: the juxtaposition of the sacred and secular, the succession of present landscape context, the complement of parks content, the tool of nation-state formation. KoKwan park was completed with cost 20,000 won, insufficient budget compared with Oya's estimated amount. However, in this thesis, it was not cleared whether Busan prefecture built the park as it was. In 1945, after the independence, KoKwan Park was destroyed due to build Dong-gu Office, houses. The remained subjects from this study are to clarify the process the destruction of the park.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.46-69
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• 2013

The results of study on the meaning landscape and environmental design techniques of the Byulup, Yoohoedang garden(Hageowon) based on the story in the collection of Kwon Yi-jin (Yoohoedangjip, 有懷堂集), are as below. First, Yoohoedang Kwon Yi-jin (有懷堂 權以鎭 : 1668~1734) constructed a Byulup garden consisting of ancestor grave, Byulup, garden, and a school, through 3 steps for 20 years in the back hill area of Moosoo-dong village, south of Mountain Bomun in Daejeon. In other words, he built the Byulup(別業, Yoohoedang) by placing his father's grave in the back hill of the village, and then constructed Yoegeongam(餘慶菴) and Geoupjae(居業齋) for protection of the pond(Napoji, 納汚池), garden(Banhwanwon, 盤桓園), and ancestor graves, and descendants' studying in the middle stage. He built an extension in Yoohoedang and finally completed the large-size garden (Hageowon) by extending the east area. Second, in terms of geomancy sense, Yoohoedang Byulup located in Moosoo-dong village area is the representative example including all space elements such as main living house (the head family house of Andong Kwon family), Byulup (Yoohoedang), ancestor graves, Hagoewon (garden) and Yoegeongam (cemetery management and school) which byulup type Byulseo should be equipped with. Thirdly, there are various meaning landscape elements combining the value system of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism value, including; (1) remembering parents, (2) harmonious family, (3) integrity, (4) virtue, (5) noble personality, (6) good luck, (7) hermit life, (8) family prosperity and learning development, (9) grace from ancestors, (10) fairyland, (11) guarding ancestor graves, and (12) living ever-young. Fourth, after he arranged ancestor graveyard in the back of the village, he used surrounding natural landscapes to construct Hagoewon garden with water garden consisting of 4 mountain streams and 3 ponds for 13 years, and finally completed a beautiful fairyland with 5 platforms, 3 bamboo forests, as well as the Seokgasan(石假山, artificial hill). Fifth, he adopted landscape plantation (28 kinds; pine, maple, royal azalea, azalea, persimmon tree, bamboo, willow, pomegranate tree, rose, chinensis, chaenomeles speciosa, Japanese azalea, peach tree, lotus, chrysanthemum, peony, and Paeonia suffruticosa, etc.) to apply romance from poetic affection, symbol and ideal from personification, as well as plantation plan considering seasonal landscapes. Landscape rocks were used by intact use of natural rocks, connecting with water elements, garden ornament method using Seokyeonji and flower steps, and mountain Seokga method showing the essence of landscape meanings. In addition, waterscape are characterized by active use of water considering natural streams and physio-graphic condition (eastern valley), ecological corridor role that rhythmically connects each space of the garden and waterways following routes, landscape meaning introduction connecting 'gaining knowledge by the study of things' values including Hwalsoodam(活水潭, pond), Mongjeong(蒙井, spring), Hosoo(濠水, stream), and Boksoo(?水, stream), and sensuous experience space construction with auditory and visualization using properties of landscape matters.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.36
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• pp.255-292
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• 2013

Burglary (also called breaking and entering and sometimes housebreaking) is a crime, the essence of which is illegal entry into a building for the purposes of committing an offence. It is one of the most common types of crime and also a serious issue for every society. A house that is left insecure is an accessible and attractive target for burglars and therefore burglary resistance test & certification system for doors and windows has been developed in many countries. This paper explores several advanced foreign burglary resistance test/certifcation cases (the British SBD, the Dutch KOMO SKH/SKG, the Japanese CP mark, the Australian Standard Certification) for security products and domestic test/certification systems for fire safety products as a comparative study so that any improvement points can be gained for South Korea in the field of security product performance. The comparative analysis results show that South Korea is far behind the security product certification system and needs a lot of improvement in the system by benchmarking foreign cases. The domestic test/certification systems for fire safety products also give some insights for burglary-related security products' performance certification system in Korea. Overall, the need for relevant rules and regulations, the establishment of standards regarding testing and certification, including certified security +hardware product in building security certification system, performance testing as well as production testing (i.e. quality management system evaluation), the basic competency of testers, incentive system for certified/high quality security products were suggested in order to make an optimal model for the security production performance testing and certification system in Korea.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.74-82
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• 1979

Pinus densiflora S. et Z. which has the widest distribution and highest stock at present in Korea and has used as materials for fuel, house construction, furniture and many other purposes for several hundred years, is considered as one of major species of economic importance, although there are a few epidemic insect injuries and silvicultural difficulties in regeneration. However, since disorderly cutting has been conducted for long time, the valuable local stands have disappeared. Therefore immediate attempts should be taken on the gene conservation and genetic studies including heritabilities and genetic gains of desirable characters. One hundred and twently five plus trees have so far been selected from the nationwide area and kept for the purpose of seed orchard establishment and other theoretical studies. In this study, the wind pollinated seeds of grafted stocks of 13 plus trees in clone bank located in Suweon and the seeds of 4 Japanese plus trees were collected and their progenies were used for heritability study. As indicated in figure 1, thirteen plus trees are from the middle part of Korea and two experimental plantations were laid out in ]972 (1-1 stock) by the randomized block design with five replications, consisting of 10 trees line plots of each family in each replication. Tree height, root collar diameter and branch diameter at 1cm apart from the main stem were measured. The results are summarized as follows 1. The rank of height growth of each plus tree progenies by age was greatly changed under age 3 and it was affected more in poor site than good site. 2. The heritabilities of height growth were estimated to be 7.2% at age 3, negative sign at age 4, 9.4% at age 5, 13.0% at age 6, 8.1% at age 7 and abrupt increase of 63.8% at age 8. The heritabilities were generally increased with increase of age. 3. The heritabilities of root collar diameter and branch diameter (average of the three biggest branches) was 3.2% and 11.8% at age 8 respectively. 4. The genetic gain was largest at age 8 and it was 46.6% when a selection intensity, 1/500 was taken. It, therefore, seems to be reasonable that selection should not be made under age 7.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.318-339
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• 1994

U.S. had given large amount of cotton to Korea as food aid program since 1945. This cotton aid had negative impact on cotton culture in Korean agriculture. Korean government used counterparts funds (sale proceeds of food aid) not for investment to agriculture sector, but for military budgets. And food aid on program type had influenced general economic policies, which neglected agricultural sector too. Anti-agricultural policy which was helped by U.S. food aid, had caused cotton cultivator an economic loss. So this economic loss had made many farmers abandon cotton culture. But in our times, cotton is cultivated for the purpose of domestic consumption in a few rural villages. The purposes of this study are 1) to analyze the process of spatial reduction of cotton culture since 1945 in regional contexts in Korea, and 2) to identify the function and meaning of cotton culture which does not pay off in agricultural region. Materials for acreage of cotton culture are acquired through the agricultural statistical year book(1952-1989) and census. To clarify the meanings of cotton culture, field survey are conducted in a rural village which is identified as only one where cotton was cultivated in 1993. In these contexts, this study has come to the following conclusions. In the period of under the rule of Japanese Imperialism (1910-1945), G. arboreum, species of cotton which was traditionally cultivated since 1364, had been driven out. And G. hirustun species, which is suitable for the production of highly qualified textile, has been hierarchically diffused by policy. In these period, regional structure of Korean agriculture was reorganized for the provision with food to Japan. Crops leading this dependent spatial structure were rice and cotton. So agricultural region, specialized with cotton, were distributed in the hinterland of the area which is specialized with rice. U.S. cotton aid to Korea began in 1947. U.S. took an interest in agricultural export because of her domestic surplus of cotton. Cotton aid is one mechanism by which U.S government developed agricultural market in recipient countries, Specially in the exchange rates, up-valuation of won to the U.S. dollars made domestic cotton more expensive than cotton imported, Production cost of domestic cotton is higher than Government's purchasing price of cotton which was also more expensive than price of cotton imported. Korean farmer could not help abandoning the cultivation of cotton, and this gave rise to spatial reduction of cotton culture. Spatially, cotton culture was abandoned in early stage of reduction in regions where stand at a disadvantage climatically, and in next stage in regions where other up-land crops which paid off in urban market, eg, fruits, could be cultivated. In the stage of extinction, cotton was cultivated only in area where G. hirustun species was originated in Korean peninsula. This region is not only suitable climatically for cotton culture, but is far away from urban market. Use of cotton produced is not for spinning, but for fillings of comforter. The main purpose of cotton culture in rural village is not for cotton yields, but for increase of production of seasame, which is grown together with cotton as mixed crops. Cotton product are used for domestic consumption and sold out to gin house. Though cotton culture is not paid off, farmer wanted to cultivate continuously for the cultural purpose, and they wanted the cotton culture promotion policy with the goverment subsidy.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.577-592
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• 1996

The forming process of poverty region in Taegu and the feature of its spatial distribution which are reviewed hitherto can be summarized like this. 1) In the froming porcess of poverty region in Taegu, during the soverignty of Japanese Empire petty farmers became tenantry by the colonial agricultural policy of Japanes Empire and some of those came into the city and g\became urban poor class. They generally lived in poor houses or dugouts in the city, and 6.6$\circ$ of poor house and dugouts of the whole country were in Taegu and 4.9$\circ of the popolatio in Taegu resided there. During the period of disorder, because of the historic accidents, such as the restoration of independence and Korean War, the returnees from aboad and refugees converged into the big city so that those who need the country's relief stood out as new poor class. They generally made their dwellings with tents and straw-bags on vacant grounds in suburbs living form hand to mouth and shaped the poor houses area, so-clalled "Liberated Village". During the developing period, the number of those who need aid gradually decreased, but the problem of poor people by the city-concentration of the poeple who shifted from agricultrual jobs by economic development came to the front. They mostly lived in squatter area forming large poor class area, and generally located near the center of Taegu consisiting of West. South. East Ward. 2) Reviewing the the feature of spatial distribution, the proportion of poor class are highest within 1~2km from the center of the city and also high within 2~3km form the center and suburbs. The poor class area in the center of the city are mostly cleared and removed area and in suburbs by the construction of permanently leased, and leased apartments large grouped poor class areas are forming. In Taegu, 16 low-income class group residence areas and residential environement improving areas are dispersed so that they came under the so-called poor class area. But by the improvement of dewelling environment and living the poor people who lived in groups dispersed or bettered their living for themselves, so the poverty area is greatly chaning into average-levelled residence area, and on the other hand, large poor people's apartment complexes are being constructed in suburbs. 3) Up to now, the distribution of poverty area could be limited its scale to generally the area within 1~3km because the poverty region which had been in suburbs relatively came near the center of the city by the rapid urbanization and poor people preferred that area because of the living convenience facilities as well as the transportation facilities and job-hunting being near the center of the city. But now poor people's apartment complex is being constructed regardless of their zone of job sites, so the low proportion of occupation is pointed as a new problem.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.24
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• pp.9-51
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• 1993

The purpose of this study is twofold: to investigate into general characteristics of the abstracting services in Korea and to discuss general directions of development of the abstracting services in the country. This study is designed to achieve the purpose by gathering and analysing data related to the abstracting journals published in the past ten years and by comparing the results with similar data gathered by the investigator in 1984. The major conclusions made in this study is summarised as follows. (1) Researchers and professionals working in limited numbers of subject fields are benefited by abstracting services of recent achievements in research and development in Korea. Those in most of the fields have essentially no abstracting services of such achievements. Even many researchers and professionals in the limited numbers of the fields that have some elementary abstracting services are not informed of research results in their fields because the abstracting journals are scattered in many narrow subjects and in many cases, the abstracting journals only cover publications in some specific forms and kinds. (2) Abstracting journals of general subjects, which are supposed to be of more or less help to the researchers in the subject fields that have no abstracting journals of their own, have rapidly increased in number in the past ten years. Most of such abstracting journals carry thesis and dissertation abstracts, and the rest those of research papers published in specific places, in specific forms, by specific institutes, and of reports of research projects sponsored by specific foundations. These abstracting journals are not of the kind that comprehensively provide general readers with current awareness of publications of research results in Korea. (3) Most of the abstracting journals existing in Korea are published by institutions of higher education and research institutes, and the rest by commercial publishers, industrial firms, libraries, information centers, government agencies, research foundations, learned societies, etc. Those which publish many titles are small in number and those publish one or two titles are large in number. The former is largely made up of institutions of higher education and research institutes. (4) Ten years ago, there was not a single publishing house that produced abstracting journals. Three commercial publishing houses now produce abstracting journals. As this change occurs, centers of excellence are founded and competitive elements are introduced in abstracting services. This change, in turn, is expected to improve quality of the other abstracting journals in Korea. (5) The abstracting journals published in Korea are classified by type into those of dissertations, research papers, journal articles, patent specifications in that descending order. The fact that Master's and doctoral dissertation abstracts are dominating in Korea is due to the irrational practice of publishing those abstracts at many institutions. (6) Most of the abstracting journals existing in Korea are published by national or government-supported research institutes in order to publicise their own research outputs. Their coverage of literature is normally narrow, and naturally their value to users is limited. (7) The abstracting journals published in Korea increased in number at the rate of $77.8-100\%$ every five years in the past twenty-five years. Most of the abstracting journals that ceased to be published during the period survived for two years. (8) Korean is the desirable language for the abstracting journals designed to be distributed within Korea. About half of the abstracting journals published in Korea is printed in Korean and the other half in foreign languages, and in Korean with foreign languages. All the abstracting journals in foreign languages are printed in English xcept one, which is printed in Japanese. (9) Some twenty percent of the abstracting journals in Korea is published monthly, bimonthly, and quarterly. Others are published annually, biannually, and irregularly. The latter may not function properly as a current-awareness tool due to long intervals between their issues. It is particularly undesirable that about half of the abstracting journals in Korea is published irregularly. Most of the abstracting journals published in Korea are distributed freely to individuals and institutions selected by the publishers. (10) The abstracting journals published by the use of computers increased drastically in the past ten years. The abstracting journals produced by the conventional type-setting method will probably disappear In Korea in another ten years to come. Automation of the production of abstracting journals does not simply mean technical, economic improvement of publishing processes but availability of machine-readable databases that can be used for other purposes, including the generation of other publications and the provision of machine literature searching capabilities. Necessary steps should be taken for this important development that is occurring in the abstracting services in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.49-61
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• 2019

This study aims to examine the spatial recognition of the characters who visited Anuisamdong(安義三洞) in the past and left it in the literature. Thus, the school's relationship between people identified in the relevant literature was analyzed and the elements of landscape were extracted. The results were as follows; First, The figures who authored the literature on Anuisamdong were related to scholars living in Anuihyun(安義縣), along with the Yeongnam confucian genealogy. Starting with Jung, Yeo-Chang(鄭汝昌) in the 15th century, a relationship centered on Nammyeong School(南溟學派) in the 16th century was formed. At that time, people had toured the Anuisamdong regardless of the academic background. In the 17th century, Nammyeong School were in conflict with Toegye School(退溪學派), so Toegye School's influence had no record. In the 18th century, the proportion of Nammyeong School, Toegye School, and Kiho School(畿湖學派) appeared similar as they evolved into the Yeongnam School(嶺南學派). After the 19th century, the proportion of patriots who participated in the anti-Japanese movement was higher than that of schools. Second, The main places used in the literature related to Anuisamdongwere the order of Wonhakdong(猿鶴洞), Hwrimdong(花林洞) and Simjindong(尋眞洞). There are a total of 21 major elements used for the related literature, of which Suseungdae Rock(搜勝臺), Morijae House(某里齋), Nongwaljeong Pavilion(弄月亭), Sasundae Rock(四仙臺) and Cheoksuam Rock(滌愁巖) were the main subjects. Elements of Wonhakdong have been in the spotlight since the 16th century, focusing on Suseungdae Rock. Although the elements of Hwarimdong have been increasing gradually since the 18th century, the ratio of Simjindong to Wonhakdong and Hwarimdong was relatively small. Third, The relationship between the figures who visited the Anuisamdong and the spatial recognition of the Anuisamdong was divided into landscape awareness, emotional awareness and symbolic recognition. The Anuisamdong's scenic view is mostly identified by its description of the waterscape and topographical landscape, which people may have perceived as a scenic site centered on the valley view at the time. The mutual influence of Nammyeong School and Toegye School in the 16th and 17th centuries led to a scene in which the major figures of each school recognized pleasure as a culture of training, and a feeling of longing for the traces of past ancestors as the 18th century travel culture and the 19th century chaotic situation. In addition, the symbolic expression that usually appears is likely to have been recognized as a unworldly place, as the location of the immortal world is confirmed.