• 영어영문학
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• 제54권4호
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• pp.579-597
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• 2008

This article discusses David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly as a suggestive text for examining Western masculinity in crisis in the post-imperialist age, in which territorial imperialism is no longer valid. Previous scholarship on M. Butterfly has centered around the interlocking dynamics of imperialism, racism and sexism. Such critical attentions focus on how Hwang deconstructs racialized significations of the East and the West. In these discussions, the issue of gender is often addressed merely as a trope to represent the power relations between the East and the West. As such, gender as well as sexuality is highlighted as the very source of subversion of the power relations. My discussion departs from a critique of the gendered trope of the East and the West, highlighting a postmodern agent, the allegedly feminized character Song Lining: a Chinese actor who passes for a woman for political purposes in postcolonial China. Remaining an "inappropriate/d other" in the gendered imperialist discourse, Song becomes an emergent subject, who is capable of playing gender ambiguity for reclaiming a devalued identity, that of homosexual Asian man. Discussing how the central character Rene Gallimard's masculine identity is constructed in a cross-cultural space and how it evolves, I also argue that Gallimard's melancholic death signifies a historical unsustainability of imperialist masculinity in the postmodern/postcolonial age since World War II.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제29권
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• pp.257-285
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• 2012

The theme of Caucasus in Russian literature stemmed from A. Pushkin's The Prisoner of the Caucasus (1820) became expended when it reached to writer Bestuzhev-Marlinsky. The writer's magnum opus, Allamat-Bek (1832), was based on a real historical event. Being proponent to the side of Russian ideology, this work strongly presents that the primary task the Russian Imperialist government paused in this region at the time was civilization of the Caucasus through diplomatic and humanistic ways. There are three main protagonists in this work, but Berkhovsky and Sultan Akhmet-Khan are the characters who stand for the contradictory views toward the "war between Russia- Caucasus." While the former, Berkhovsky, thinks that the conflict between the two parties might be solved by means of communication and cooperation, the latter, on the other hand, is opposed to any of peaceful completion of this war. Allamat-Bek, the main hero of this work, however, passes away, going back and forth between loyalty and renegation. The author goes on to describe that Berkhovsky considers the Caucasus as Eden, the land of fruits, unlike Russia which appears as the land of labor. Yet, for Berkhovsky the Caucasus is presented as the land which needs enlightenment. This is the transformation of the so-called typical Western Orientalism. Bestuzhev-Marlinsky does not take side of either evil or good between the Russian Orthodoxy and the Islam, that is the conflict between the two opponent parties. The writer, instead, argues that this is just difference between the familiar and the strange, that is, the svoi and the chuzhoi. What is the very picture the writer wants to show the reader, then, is that it is petty and sad to see the unavoidable violent progress which happened and experienced by the indigenous people during the civilization of the Caucasus by the Russian Imperialist government.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제28권
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• pp.111-140
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• 2005

일제는 중일전쟁 발발 이후 내선일체론에 근거한 황민화 정책을 실시하고, 병참기지론에 기반하는 전쟁동원체제의 구축을 서둘렀다. 중일전쟁을 위해서는 조선인을 동원할 필요가 있었고, 그러기 위해서는 조선인의 황민화가 이루어져야만 했기 때문이다. 또한 일제는 황민화와 전쟁동원을 위해 전쟁의 성격과 목적을 정당화하는 시도를 해야만 했다. 본 연구는 이런 일제의 지배정책을 다룬 $\ll$동아일보$\gg$와 $\ll$조선일보$\gg$의 사설을 분석한 것이다. 먼저 전쟁의 성격과 목적에 관한 사설에서 두 신문은 중일전쟁 발발직후 한 동안 일본은 부득이하게 동양의 평화를 위해 전쟁에 나섰다고 주장했고, 일본군의 승전 소식이 있을 때마다 이를 대대적으로 선전했다. 1938년 말 이후 두 신문은 중일전쟁은 동양을 서구로부터 해방시키기 위한 전쟁이고, 일본은 그 해방자라고 주장했다. 다음으로 황민화 정책과 관련해 두 신문은 초기에는 주로 신사참배나 궁성요배를 정당화하고 권유하는 논조를 보였을 뿐이다. 이후 두 신문 모두 지원병제도에 대해서는 '완전한 국민'이 될 수 있는 기회를 얻었다고 절대적인 찬성 입장을 보였던 반면에 3차 조선교육령에 대해서는 조선어 교육의 폐지를 염려하며 소극적이나마 반대의사를 표명했다. 1939년에 들어서서 두 신문 모두 '일본 정신'을 강조하며 내선일체를 적극적으로 주장하기 시작했다. 마지막으로 전쟁동원 정책에 관한 사설에서 두 신문은 전쟁 직후 한 동안 자중을 요구하는 논조만을 보이다가, 곧 여기에서 벗어나 적극적으로 전쟁협력을 촉구하는 논조를 보이기 시작했다. 1939년에 들어서서 '일본 정신'을 기반으로 하여 적극적으로 전쟁에 협력해야 한다는 주장들이 사설에서 나타났고, 1940년에 가서는 이제 국가주의적이고 전체주의적인 동원체제를 강력히 주장하기에 이르렀다. 이 같은 논조는 일제의 강력한 언론통제와 신문사 내 경영진 및 언론인의 의식전환이 모두 작용한 결과였고, 결국 두 신문이 일제의 지배방식에 순응해 독자들에게 내선일체와 전쟁협력을 강요했다는 역사적 평가를 듣게 만들었다.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제25권
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• pp.213-236
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• 2011

The negative symbol of 'American imperialism', which was reinterpreted superimposed on the symbol imposed on Japanese imperialism in the 1945 Liberation of Korea, was more amplified added by the experiences of the bombing and massacre by US troops during the Korean War. In other words, the symbol of the extreme 'American imperialism' in the liberation in which even the role of America contributing to the liberation of Josun had been denied had continued for a long time adhered to and amplified through the war. Thus, unlike the current emphasis laid by North Josun, the assertion in the form of 'American imperialism=Korean wolf' is an idea made from the mixture of fact and fiction combined with the theory of imperialism rediscovered in the liberation and the experience of massacre during the Korean War. And this superimposed symbol for American imperialism naturally causes the problem of being superimposed also on the symbol of North Josun. And the extreme formalization for 'good' and 'bad' sides was based on the dichotomous compositions of beauty and ugliness, good and evil. The ground for saying that an act by a good side is 'unconditionally' legitimate is nowhere found. The anti-American viewpoint rediscovered in such an extreme form results in one aspect of criticism and resemblance as a result of being locked up in the same violence which one has rejected by oneself. The anti-American viewpoint going on in the form of anti-imperialist nationalism leaves nothing except another terrible retaliation for terrible brutality. It is self-evident that one can never get out of the enchanting power of imperialism which North Josun has continuously criticized in a ring of violence and vengeance, the familiar grammar commanded by North Josun literature.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.110-134
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• 2023

North Korea's development and deployment of nuclear weapons increases Pyongyang's diplomatic bargaining leverage. It is a strategic response to counteract the great expansion in US leverage with the collapse of the USSR. Post-Cold War American influence and hegemony is justified partly by claiming victory in successfully containing an allegedly imperialist Soviet Union. The US created and led formal and informal international institutions as part of its decades-long containment grand strategy against the USSR. The US now exploits these institutions to expedite US unilateral global preeminence. Third World regimes perceived as remnants of the Cold War era that resist accommodating to American demands are stereotyped as rogue states. Rogue regimes are criminal offenders who should be brought to justice, i.e. regime change is required. The initiation of summit diplomacy between US President Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un occurred following the January 2018 Hawaiian ballistic missile false alarm. This event and its political consequences illustrate the efficacy of nuclear weapons as bargaining leverage for so-called rogue actors. North Korea is highly unlikely to surrender those weapons that were the instigation for the subsequent summit diplomacy that occurred. A broader, critical trend-focused strategic analysis is necessary to adopt a longer-term view of the on-going Korean nuclear crisis. The aim would be to conceptualize long-term policies that increase the probability that nuclear weapons capability becomes a largely irrelevant issue in interaction between Pyongyang, Seoul, Beijing and Washington.

• 수완나부미
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.1-23
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• 2013

This study reexamines a covert factor of the colonization of Myanmar kingdom, drawing on the case of Myingyun-MyingonDaing Rebellion broke out in 1866. It criticizes that existing discussions on the downfall of the Konbaung dynasty are preoccupied with post-colonialism. These researches were focus on macro level and pointed out the imperialist stratagem and many scholars concluded for the down fall of Konbaung Dynasty that the wave of Imperialism as Sunami hit from Europe to Asia so that Myanmar could not stand as feudal society and down fall Konbaung Dynasty. All of events and comments were quite true but it is necessary to examine carefully past events. There were many controversial facts about third Anglo-Myanmar war. This paper has pointed out the Kings Mindon's false political strategic due to the lack of awareness on external threat with the giving the best example of Myingun-MyingonDaing rebellion.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.177-192
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• 2023

A prerequisite for a lasting ceasefire is the emergence of a prevailing view in Moscow and Kyiv that the fighting has reached a hurting stalemate. In sum, they both lose more through continuing warfare than by a ceasefire. This study applies social identity dynamics of nationalism to this escalatory conflict. It generates findings that imply that China as a third-party great power intervening mediator can potentially play a pivotal role. Shifting the respective prevailing views in Moscow and Kyiv of their interaction from a zero-sum foundation requires proffering powerful economic and political third-party incentives. Effective inducement would facilitate national defense, development and prestige for Moscow as well as Kyiv. China arguably has the underutilized potential power capabilities necessary to alter the respective prevailing views of strategic relationships among the great powers within Moscow, Brussels and Washington. A prerequisite for success in striving effectively towards this strategic goal is cooperation with the Beijing despite skepticism from Washington. This study utilizes a process tracing methodological approach. It highlights that the foundations of the Russo-Ukraine war lie in the institutionalization within Euro-Atlantic integration of the Cold War assumption that the USSR was an imperialist revisionist actor. Russia is the USSR's successor state. Moscow's prevailing view is that Russian national self-determination was unjustly circumscribed in the multinational Soviet totalitarian Communist system. The Euro-Atlantic community is perceived as a neocolonial imperial threat by allying with post-1991 Ukrainian nationalism at Russia's expense. The study finds that acknowledging Eurasian regional multipolarity is necessary, if not sufficient, to coopt Beijing into a global political stabilization strategy. It functionally aims to promote international balancing to lessen potentials for horizontal as well as vertical escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제43호
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• pp.173-202
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• 2021

한국전쟁시기에 중국은 총 세 차례 '항미원조' 위문단을 북한으로 파견했다. 그 목적은 하나는 미제국주의와 싸우고 있는 중국인민지원군과 조선인민군을 위로함과 동시에 국내의 사정을 전달하여 지원군의 사기를 북돋아주기 위해서였고, 다른 하나는 신중국의 사회주의건설사업에 기여하기 위해서였다. 즉 위문 활동을 통해 직접 보고 들은 다양한 영웅사적과 미제국주의 만행을 중국인민들에게 선전하여 국제주의와 신중국에 대한 애국주의사상을 고취함으로써 전쟁동원과 신중국건설을 효과적으로 진행하려는 것이었다. 위문단 단원은 정치, 군사, 민족, 사회, 문화, 교육 등 국가 제반 구성 분야의 다양한 계층(노동자, 농민, 지식인, 여성, 학생, 군인 등)의 인물들로 구성되었다. 이들의 활동은 위문과 취재, 각종 좌담회와 공연 등 다양한 방식으로 전개되었는데, 그 과정은 그야말로 분노와 동정, 희생과 감동, 전투와 낭만, 감격과 위안의 감정으로 충만해 있었다. 그러한 감정은 귀국한 위문단의 국내 선전 활동을 통해 중국인민들에게도 고스란히 전달되었다. '항미원조' 위문단은 조직구성과 구체적인 공연 활동에 이르기까지 신중국의 사회주의 정체성을 분명하게 드러냈다. 민주와 평등, 세계평화와 무산계급 연대를 강조한 국제주의 추구, 공산당정권 옹호를 기반으로 한 애국주의 지향 등이 바로 그 정체성이었다. 위문단은 국경을 넘나들며 신중국의 이러한 정체성 인식을 쌍방향으로 효율적 확산을 이루는 데 한몫했다. 이는 일종의 정치·문화적 퍼포먼스로서 '항미원조' 위문단이 갖는 중요한 의미라고 할 수 있다.

• 의료ㆍ복지 건축 : 한국의료복지건축학회 논문집
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.25-36
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to trace the historical background and to describe the architectural issues of the healthcare facilities in 1876~1945 years. Between 1876~1895 yr, the first western hospital "Jejung-Won" was built in Seoul by the Korean Gov. with the help of the American Missionary Dr. Allen. The special clinic for curing smallpox, Udu-Kuk was built nationally and the hospitals for infection disease were built in the same periods. In the next stage 1896~1905, 1905~1910 yr, there were many type of facilities such as military hospital, oriental medicine hospital, public hospital for poor people, clinic or hospital for Mission. After being conquered by Japan in 1910~1945, the Japan Healthcare System was directly transferred into Korean system and the healthcare facilities was built by japanese architect. At that time, the Japan healthcare system had been constructed after following the modern European healthcare system. Most healthcare facilities in the age of Japanese imperialist was handed over to the Korean Government in 1950~1960 yr after world war II.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제40권
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• pp.226-269
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• 2000

The objective of this study is to investigate the process of development of social work and divide it historically during the Korean Modern Times. At first, I investigated this period's "societal" situation (political, economical, social situation) which is closely related to social work and made a historical division. And I wrote down the social welfare policy and social services concretely and I interpreted this period's historical meaning. At the end of the Cho-Sun dynasty, although a modern social work movement had come about naturally in the Korean peninsula, it was nearly destroyed by the Japanese aggression. However, it could have expanded consistently and come to maturity because of a national self-awakening and peoples' vigorous participation after the 3 1 national movement. But unfortunately, as the social work come to be exploited by the Japanese Imperialist powers, it lost its purity its essential purpose and was changed. After World War II, no one was made to take responsibility for those historical facts, and under the name of Social Welfare many ordinary citizens became scapegoats, and passed silently over to the period of American military occupation which was another time of transition in the Korean peninsula. There have been few studies undertaken concerning social welfare during the Japanese occupation. These studies will help to indicate what influence the Japanese had on the development of Korean social welfare after the Japanese occupation. I anticipate many studies on this subject will follow.