• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.579-597
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• 2008

This article discusses David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly as a suggestive text for examining Western masculinity in crisis in the post-imperialist age, in which territorial imperialism is no longer valid. Previous scholarship on M. Butterfly has centered around the interlocking dynamics of imperialism, racism and sexism. Such critical attentions focus on how Hwang deconstructs racialized significations of the East and the West. In these discussions, the issue of gender is often addressed merely as a trope to represent the power relations between the East and the West. As such, gender as well as sexuality is highlighted as the very source of subversion of the power relations. My discussion departs from a critique of the gendered trope of the East and the West, highlighting a postmodern agent, the allegedly feminized character Song Lining: a Chinese actor who passes for a woman for political purposes in postcolonial China. Remaining an "inappropriate/d other" in the gendered imperialist discourse, Song becomes an emergent subject, who is capable of playing gender ambiguity for reclaiming a devalued identity, that of homosexual Asian man. Discussing how the central character Rene Gallimard's masculine identity is constructed in a cross-cultural space and how it evolves, I also argue that Gallimard's melancholic death signifies a historical unsustainability of imperialist masculinity in the postmodern/postcolonial age since World War II.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.29
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• pp.257-285
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• 2012

The theme of Caucasus in Russian literature stemmed from A. Pushkin's The Prisoner of the Caucasus (1820) became expended when it reached to writer Bestuzhev-Marlinsky. The writer's magnum opus, Allamat-Bek (1832), was based on a real historical event. Being proponent to the side of Russian ideology, this work strongly presents that the primary task the Russian Imperialist government paused in this region at the time was civilization of the Caucasus through diplomatic and humanistic ways. There are three main protagonists in this work, but Berkhovsky and Sultan Akhmet-Khan are the characters who stand for the contradictory views toward the "war between Russia- Caucasus." While the former, Berkhovsky, thinks that the conflict between the two parties might be solved by means of communication and cooperation, the latter, on the other hand, is opposed to any of peaceful completion of this war. Allamat-Bek, the main hero of this work, however, passes away, going back and forth between loyalty and renegation. The author goes on to describe that Berkhovsky considers the Caucasus as Eden, the land of fruits, unlike Russia which appears as the land of labor. Yet, for Berkhovsky the Caucasus is presented as the land which needs enlightenment. This is the transformation of the so-called typical Western Orientalism. Bestuzhev-Marlinsky does not take side of either evil or good between the Russian Orthodoxy and the Islam, that is the conflict between the two opponent parties. The writer, instead, argues that this is just difference between the familiar and the strange, that is, the svoi and the chuzhoi. What is the very picture the writer wants to show the reader, then, is that it is petty and sad to see the unavoidable violent progress which happened and experienced by the indigenous people during the civilization of the Caucasus by the Russian Imperialist government.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.28
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• pp.111-140
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• 2005

Most of studies on the press during the period of Japanese occupation in Korea have focused on the activities of newspapers in 1920s. These past studies didn't examine the whole process of change of the press under the Japanese occupation in Korea. Thus, this study tried to investigate the change of the tenor of Korean newspaper editorials on the ruling policies during the end of the colonial period in Korea as a part of attempts exceeding the limit of past studies. After the outbreak of the war between China and Japan in 1937, the Korean newspapers were full of stereotyped editorials resembling in a way official gazette. Dong-A Ilbo and Cho-Sun Ilbo represented the purpose of the war was to emancipate Asian countries from Western imperialist countries and to establish the peace of the Asia. Simultaneously, two newspapers played an important role in assimilating the Korean people into the Japanese and mobilizing them to the war, The tenor of these editorials was affected by intensified control over the press and the change of the consciousness of journalists. In conclusion, these newspapers had a harmful influence on the Korean people as a weapon to the movement to organize and mobilize them. Therefore the interest for researching on the pro-Japanese press should be taken in view of 'resistance' and 'collaboration.'

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.213-236
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• 2011

The negative symbol of 'American imperialism', which was reinterpreted superimposed on the symbol imposed on Japanese imperialism in the 1945 Liberation of Korea, was more amplified added by the experiences of the bombing and massacre by US troops during the Korean War. In other words, the symbol of the extreme 'American imperialism' in the liberation in which even the role of America contributing to the liberation of Josun had been denied had continued for a long time adhered to and amplified through the war. Thus, unlike the current emphasis laid by North Josun, the assertion in the form of 'American imperialism=Korean wolf' is an idea made from the mixture of fact and fiction combined with the theory of imperialism rediscovered in the liberation and the experience of massacre during the Korean War. And this superimposed symbol for American imperialism naturally causes the problem of being superimposed also on the symbol of North Josun. And the extreme formalization for 'good' and 'bad' sides was based on the dichotomous compositions of beauty and ugliness, good and evil. The ground for saying that an act by a good side is 'unconditionally' legitimate is nowhere found. The anti-American viewpoint rediscovered in such an extreme form results in one aspect of criticism and resemblance as a result of being locked up in the same violence which one has rejected by oneself. The anti-American viewpoint going on in the form of anti-imperialist nationalism leaves nothing except another terrible retaliation for terrible brutality. It is self-evident that one can never get out of the enchanting power of imperialism which North Josun has continuously criticized in a ring of violence and vengeance, the familiar grammar commanded by North Josun literature.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.110-134
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• 2023

North Korea's development and deployment of nuclear weapons increases Pyongyang's diplomatic bargaining leverage. It is a strategic response to counteract the great expansion in US leverage with the collapse of the USSR. Post-Cold War American influence and hegemony is justified partly by claiming victory in successfully containing an allegedly imperialist Soviet Union. The US created and led formal and informal international institutions as part of its decades-long containment grand strategy against the USSR. The US now exploits these institutions to expedite US unilateral global preeminence. Third World regimes perceived as remnants of the Cold War era that resist accommodating to American demands are stereotyped as rogue states. Rogue regimes are criminal offenders who should be brought to justice, i.e. regime change is required. The initiation of summit diplomacy between US President Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un occurred following the January 2018 Hawaiian ballistic missile false alarm. This event and its political consequences illustrate the efficacy of nuclear weapons as bargaining leverage for so-called rogue actors. North Korea is highly unlikely to surrender those weapons that were the instigation for the subsequent summit diplomacy that occurred. A broader, critical trend-focused strategic analysis is necessary to adopt a longer-term view of the on-going Korean nuclear crisis. The aim would be to conceptualize long-term policies that increase the probability that nuclear weapons capability becomes a largely irrelevant issue in interaction between Pyongyang, Seoul, Beijing and Washington.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2013

This study reexamines a covert factor of the colonization of Myanmar kingdom, drawing on the case of Myingyun-MyingonDaing Rebellion broke out in 1866. It criticizes that existing discussions on the downfall of the Konbaung dynasty are preoccupied with post-colonialism. These researches were focus on macro level and pointed out the imperialist stratagem and many scholars concluded for the down fall of Konbaung Dynasty that the wave of Imperialism as Sunami hit from Europe to Asia so that Myanmar could not stand as feudal society and down fall Konbaung Dynasty. All of events and comments were quite true but it is necessary to examine carefully past events. There were many controversial facts about third Anglo-Myanmar war. This paper has pointed out the Kings Mindon's false political strategic due to the lack of awareness on external threat with the giving the best example of Myingun-MyingonDaing rebellion.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.177-192
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• 2023

A prerequisite for a lasting ceasefire is the emergence of a prevailing view in Moscow and Kyiv that the fighting has reached a hurting stalemate. In sum, they both lose more through continuing warfare than by a ceasefire. This study applies social identity dynamics of nationalism to this escalatory conflict. It generates findings that imply that China as a third-party great power intervening mediator can potentially play a pivotal role. Shifting the respective prevailing views in Moscow and Kyiv of their interaction from a zero-sum foundation requires proffering powerful economic and political third-party incentives. Effective inducement would facilitate national defense, development and prestige for Moscow as well as Kyiv. China arguably has the underutilized potential power capabilities necessary to alter the respective prevailing views of strategic relationships among the great powers within Moscow, Brussels and Washington. A prerequisite for success in striving effectively towards this strategic goal is cooperation with the Beijing despite skepticism from Washington. This study utilizes a process tracing methodological approach. It highlights that the foundations of the Russo-Ukraine war lie in the institutionalization within Euro-Atlantic integration of the Cold War assumption that the USSR was an imperialist revisionist actor. Russia is the USSR's successor state. Moscow's prevailing view is that Russian national self-determination was unjustly circumscribed in the multinational Soviet totalitarian Communist system. The Euro-Atlantic community is perceived as a neocolonial imperial threat by allying with post-1991 Ukrainian nationalism at Russia's expense. The study finds that acknowledging Eurasian regional multipolarity is necessary, if not sufficient, to coopt Beijing into a global political stabilization strategy. It functionally aims to promote international balancing to lessen potentials for horizontal as well as vertical escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.173-202
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• 2021

During the Korean War, China dispatched 'the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group to North Korea 3 times. The purpose of the comfort group was to comfort the Chinese People's Supporting Soldiers and Joseon People's Army fighting the US imperial forces and at the same time, inform them of China's situation to booster their morale. Another purpose was to promote the socialism construction projects in the new China. Namely, China wanted to propagate various heroic achievements of the Chinese soldiers and accuse the US imperialist soldiers and thereby, inspire Chinese people's international sense and patriotism for the new China to mobilize the people for the war and promote the construction of the new China effectively. The comfort group consisted of diverse classes (laborers, farmers, intellectuals, women, students, soldiers, etc.) in various areas such as politics, military, ethnic, society, culture, education, etc. Their activities were conducted in various forms such as consolation, legwork, meeting and performances. Their activities were full of anger and compassion, sacrifice and emotion, battle and romance, impression and comfort. Such emotion was delivered intact to the Chinese people through the comfort group's propaganda activities back home in China. The Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group revealed their identity of socialists New China in terms of their organization and their specific performances. Their identity claimed for democracy and equality, internationalism empathizing world peace and solidarity of the proletariats, and patriotism supporting the communists regime. The comfort group played a role in propagating such identity of new China effectively by crossing the border. It was a political and cultural performance that stipulated the political meaning of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Chosun Comfort' group

• Journal of The Korea Institute of Healthcare Architecture
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.25-36
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to trace the historical background and to describe the architectural issues of the healthcare facilities in 1876~1945 years. Between 1876~1895 yr, the first western hospital "Jejung-Won" was built in Seoul by the Korean Gov. with the help of the American Missionary Dr. Allen. The special clinic for curing smallpox, Udu-Kuk was built nationally and the hospitals for infection disease were built in the same periods. In the next stage 1896~1905, 1905~1910 yr, there were many type of facilities such as military hospital, oriental medicine hospital, public hospital for poor people, clinic or hospital for Mission. After being conquered by Japan in 1910~1945, the Japan Healthcare System was directly transferred into Korean system and the healthcare facilities was built by japanese architect. At that time, the Japan healthcare system had been constructed after following the modern European healthcare system. Most healthcare facilities in the age of Japanese imperialist was handed over to the Korean Government in 1950~1960 yr after world war II.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.40
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• pp.226-269
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• 2000

The objective of this study is to investigate the process of development of social work and divide it historically during the Korean Modern Times. At first, I investigated this period's "societal" situation (political, economical, social situation) which is closely related to social work and made a historical division. And I wrote down the social welfare policy and social services concretely and I interpreted this period's historical meaning. At the end of the Cho-Sun dynasty, although a modern social work movement had come about naturally in the Korean peninsula, it was nearly destroyed by the Japanese aggression. However, it could have expanded consistently and come to maturity because of a national self-awakening and peoples' vigorous participation after the 3 1 national movement. But unfortunately, as the social work come to be exploited by the Japanese Imperialist powers, it lost its purity its essential purpose and was changed. After World War II, no one was made to take responsibility for those historical facts, and under the name of Social Welfare many ordinary citizens became scapegoats, and passed silently over to the period of American military occupation which was another time of transition in the Korean peninsula. There have been few studies undertaken concerning social welfare during the Japanese occupation. These studies will help to indicate what influence the Japanese had on the development of Korean social welfare after the Japanese occupation. I anticipate many studies on this subject will follow.