• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.171-197
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• 2017

This research aims for suggesting the significance and approaching method of historical study in health law in light of its historical progress and fundamental understanding of jurisprudential method. Historical research method of health law primarily targets to investigate the changes of the law in historical circumstances. In a further practical view point, however, the purpose of the study is to understand the 'current' system of health law appropriately. In addition, historical study enables us to recognize the fact that many systems related to health law are connected and interactive. The study can even function as an important reference when designing future health law system. Therefore, health law researchers have to investigate ideological, philosophical, political, economic, or social reasons of why such rules were legislated beyond a mere confirmation of past forms of the health law system. In other words, it is not only important to understand the provisions of past health law but also to examine how the regulations have formed, how they established the regulatory power in reality. Identifying how the rule of law had been executed in the reality of law is also a crucial part of historical study.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.155-177
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• 1991

The promotion of economic exchange and cooperation between North and South Korea is significant in two ways. First, the pursuit of economic interest can lead gradually to the unification of the national economies. Second, economic relations can serve as the first stride toward political reunification. There are, however, many difficulties in conceiving a strategy for economic cooperation between North and South Korea because of their differences in ideology and socio-economic system. Under these circumstances, a bid by either the North or the South to consider its specific ideology or socio-economic system absolute and to impose them on the other side would inevitably lead to confrontation and collision and deepen the division of the country. Therefore, steps to expand and develop economic and technological cooperation and comprehensive exchanges between the North and the South, with due regard to the development of bilateral relations, are in full accord with the interests of the both sides. It is clear that North Korea's changing attitude toward its environmental conditions is neither a policy of opening nor an ideological shift toward pragmatism, as has occurred in the Eastern European countries. Instead, it is a temporary tactic for breaking out of the economic stagnation caused by its rigid economic structure. In this light, we must.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.289-304
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• 2018

The fandom phenomenon of political emotion originated from ideological conflicts between the conservative and the progressive amplifies social conflicts in South Korea in interpreting and accepting films as culture media. The purpose of this paper is to examine why the structure of political consciousness in South Korea is fandomized, what is the acceptance of cinema at the center of the controversy of political ideology, and what is the desirable attitude of film reception. I conducted a discourse analysis that closely examined the debates and articles on the internet regarding ,(2013) and ,(2014) which were controversial in terms of conservatism and progressivism. As a result, First, while Korean society has not constituted a consensus on modern and contemporary history, it has easily led the acceptance of cinema to the controversy surrounding the political ideology. Second, the failure of constructing consensual memories of modern and contemporary history has made the conservative and the progressive not acknowledge the other's achievements. Third, film interpretation and meaning production are ultimately the roles of the audience, and on interpretation, diversity should be respected but conformity would be rejected. Film acceptance and interpretation should focus on rational awareness of social reality and would reflect on the social ideal objectively.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.75-88
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• 2020

There are stone sculptures diversely shaped in several parts of Gyeongbokgung. Geunjeongjeon is a place where the stone sculptures are intensively placed among the various palace buildings of Gyeongbokgung, and it is more important because it contains the phases of the age of the dynasty and the symbolism of governing philosophy. What can be seen in the structure of auspicious animal sculptures is based on the form of instinctive thought that the heavenly and human order systems are in an organic correspondence with each other, especially with regard to astronomical events such as Samwon Sasin 12jisin 28su. The parts that have been interpreted only in Sasin and 12jisin in the interpretations such as wild dogs, Gyoryong, camels, wolves, and apes were able to clarify the contents by revealing the form of 28su. In particular, as Beopsu Ssangbeopsu at the corner may be related to the guardian deity who governs water, called Yimun, Chimi, and Chimun, it is one of Bibo's ways to protect the palace that was vulnerable to fire. In addition, the shape of the existing 28su placed Dambi, but Ha Woldae at the Geunjeongjeon was assumed to have a camel statue and a planned arrangement of double meaning with the Bibo form of Pungsu Sasinsa, and it is also a feature of the arrangement of Woldae at the Geunjeongjeon. The actual composition of auspicious animals at the Nambogye of Geunjeongjeon was in the order of Haechi, wild dogs, horses and Jujak, and the contents of "Gyeongbokgung Construction Daily Record" were in the order of Haechi, horses, wild dogs, and Jujak. As to different composition layouts, based on the contents of the "Gyeongbok palace Construction Daily Record", the composition of Samjae Cheonjiin (天地人) was interpreted differently from the conventional interpretation of the arrangement of Woldae. All of these forms are associated with defense systems in the four directions and have become animal representations of each direction. The auspicious animal statues placed on the railing of Geunjeongjeon Woldae can be seen as reflected in a single building with the three dimensional personality that includes Pungsu's Bibo personality with the symbolic meaning that reveals the centrality as Jeong Jeon, the nation's best politics let alone the ideological system of the ancient astronomical of the East called Men Heaven Unity.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2018

This study analyzes the revision bills of the National Assembly Law in the 19th National Assembly in which the National Assembly Advancement Act was enacted, with the question "who are involved in the revision of the procedural rules, and what motivates them?" The cosponsor network analysis focusing on primary sponsors of the revision bills shows that the network was constructed by party affiliations. A small number of members with high degree centrality attempted to cooperate with each other at the cosponsoring stage, but the legislation did not pass through the related committee. In addition, this study tests the four competitive hypotheses (the committee hypothesis, the distributive politics hypothesis, the ideological distance hypothesis, and the partisan affiliation hypothesis) about the motivation to propose amendments by using the regression models which include newly measured variables. Only the committee hypothesis and the partisan affiliation hypothesis are empirically supported. This implies that partisan consideration is still significant in amending the National Assembly Law even after the National Assembly Advancement Act, and thus party leaders' willingness to seek bipartisan compromises is at the heart of problem-solving.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.123
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• pp.165-187
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• 2012

Our freedom is natural, however we are amazed at the fact that we don't sometimes have the freedom. we have to have a freedom and must be a freedom. But we think our life is restrained. Why do we think that? This is due to epistemological thinking. Also critic of Sartre' freedom is due to that. Especially Merleau-Ponty's researchers say that Sartre is an epistemologist on the problem of the freedom and his freedom is an absolute freedom. Aim of this paper is to find out problem of the critic. To achieve this, first we need to exmaine what absoulte freedom is. It is abstract and ideological. According to Merleau-Ponty, it dosen't exist. This paper argues that Sartre's freedom is not epistemoligical but ontological. It is going to come out in relation between '$l^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre-en-soi$' and '$l^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre-en-soi$'. Then, on the problem of the freedom, we can discover that Sartre and Merleau-Ponty are no different from each other. Finally, As I argue about Merleau-Ponty's freedom, I will show that it is 'a freedom of situation' and 'a freedom of choice'. Also, This freedom is Sartre's freedom. Sartre showes a situation is my freedom.

• Review of Culture and Economy
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.197-229
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• 2018

This study investigates the social discourse for Korean women's leisure culture and analyzes the conflicts between the ideologies which affected to the women's leisure issues with the social and cultural context. For this purpose, this study analyzed a sum of 652,513 words of 4,614 news articles about Korean women's leisure by applying semantic network analysis. In the 1960s, both the enthusiasm for 'modernization' and 'good wife and wise mother' ideologies were simultaneously affected to women's leisure discourse. 'The good wife and wise mother' ideology have a stronger impact on women's leisure culture in the 1970s. In the 1980s, even though the Korean women had higher education background and advanced social status compared to the former periods, both 'good wife and wise mother' ideology and 'modern career women' ideology conflicted each other. The conflicts between the two ideologies were intensified in the 1990s and the women tended to sacrifice their leisure in the course of the ideological conflicts in the 2000s. In the 2010s, women who exhausted due to the intensified conflicts between the two ideologies showed preference for passive forms of leisure.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.117-132
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to examine the lifelong education policy in Korea and Germany, focusing on the historical transition process, and to explore desirable ways to develop the lifelong education policy in Korea. To this end, We compared and analyzed Korea and Germany's lifelong education policy using research papers on lifelong education and practical data published by BMBF, DIE, DVV, EAEA, UIL, and NILE. As a result of the study, German lifelong education policy has improved social and vocational professionalism running programs suitable for the characteristic of region, Korean lifelong education policy lacks civic education in terms of local lifelong education due to political sensitivity. In addition, Germany is expanding the participation rate of lifelong education by constructing an environment where it is easy to participate in lifelong education, while Korea's participation rate in lifelong education is lower than that of advanced OECD countries. At last, the German lifelong education policy pursues a natural change in the needs of the society, the ideological principle of which require education be independent. On the other hand, the study confirms that Korean lifelong education policy tends to be controlled by the central government. As a result of this study, Germany's lifelong education policy provide the following implications for Korea's lifelong education policy. First, This dissertation emphasizes the need for the learner-centered operation as the needs of educational consumers become more diverse. Secondly, It highlights the need for activation of lifelong education in career education. Third, The expansion of the lifelong education budget to support good quality lifelong learning. Fourth, Holistic and long-term system for sustainable lifelong learning society needs to be structured.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.75-97
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• 2021

This study was conducted to derive a society and education system model that will improve the happiness and sustainability of human society. An ideological model for making human society a happy society was derived, and a society and education system structure and operation model based on this was presented. A fair society, a justice society, a mutually considerate society, and a society where individuals are happy are the conditions for a sustainable society. After analyzing the current situation of freedom and equality pursued by capitalism and democracy, which are currently adopted by most societies, an improvement model was derived from the perspective of a sustainable society. The cost of freedom and equality were analyzed and a new alternative system was discussed. The social solidarity and class mobility issues were discussed together and servicism was derived as an alternative solution. It is a system in which two opposing opponents of individual freedom and social norms form a symmetrical balance, and material and spiritual values are balanced. Servicism is a dynamic balance model. That is, the dimensions of time and space are involved. It is a model that maintains a thorough balance through a dialectical process as time and space change, and one value can dominate the other at a specific time or space. The service-oriented society and education system is a system that simultaneously pursues the goals of individual happiness and sustainable development of the social community.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.5-32
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• 2020

This study analyzes the political dynamics of the election law reform in December 2019, from a perspective of the veto player theory combined with the partisan theory. Three features are revealed in the reform process of the electoral system. First, the number of cooperative veto players was higher than that of competitive veto players, that provided a favorable condition for policy changes. Second, concerning the ideological distance between veto-players (congruence) the possibility of policy change was evaluated as quite small. Especially in the fourth to fifth periods, the congruence between the cooperative veto players and competitive veto players was extremely weak. Third, the internal coherence of cooperative veto players was relatively weak, while the internal coherence of competitive veto players was relatively strong. That acted as a limiting factor in policy changes. In other words, there was a high possibility of policy changes in the number of cooperative veto players, but the possibility of policy change was relatively restricted in the congruence between veto players and the cohesion of veto players. That explains the limited nature of the election law reform.