• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.43 no.9
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• pp.1447-1456
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• 2014

The purpose of this study was to compare perception of school foodservice facilities and utilities in dietitians and school nutrition teachers in the Gyeongnam area between schools that improved foodservice facilities and utilities versus those who did not. From July 23 to Aug 31, 2012, 391 questionnaires were distributed, and 289 questionnaires were obtained. A total of 275 questionnaires were used for the final analysis, excluding improper ones. The results of this study were as follows. First, among 275 schools, 90 schools (32.7%) improved school foodservice facilities and utilities while 175 schools (67.3%) did not. Second, schools with improved facilities had a more well-equipped receiving room (P<0.01), preparation room (P<0.001), dishwashing room (P<0.001), storage room for supplies (P<0.001), rest-room for school foodservice employees (P<0.05), locker room (P<0.01), shower room (P<0.001), laundry room (P<0.001), boiler room (P<0.05), and room for serving cart (P<0.05) than schools with no improvement. Third, total perception score of school foodservice facilities area from schools with improved facilities (1.71) was significantly higher than that (1.60) of school without improvement (P<0.001). Fourth, total satisfaction (3.32) of school foodservice facilities and utilities in school with improved facilities was significantly higher than that (2.62) of schools without improvement (P<0.01). Fifth, schools with improved facilities had a better equipped of floor (P<0.05), entrance (P<0.001), drain (P<0.001), water supply (P<0.01), lighting (P<0.001), hand washing (P<0.001), foodservice management room (P<0.001), locker room (P<0.001), rest-room and shower room (P<0.001), and preparation room (P<0.001) than schools without improvement. However, there was no significant difference in terms of walls and ceilings, windows, ventilation, and storage. In conclusion, school foodservice facilities and utilities improvement should conducted as soon as possible.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.176-192
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• 1991

School nurses, in service of 102 special schools in Korea, were urveyed by mail questionnaires from February to March, 1991 and 77 of hem responded. Collected data were analyzed to establish the direction of health management in special school and to provide basic reference data for improving the quality of the management of school-nurses' services. The major findings are as follows: Out of special schools surveyed, 67.5% is private school and 83.2% is located in city. The average number of classes, students, and educational personnels per special school is 17.2, 194, and 28 respectively. The average age of school-nurses surveyed is 32.7. The proportion of graduates from the junior college and upward was 97.4%, the proportion of the married was 71.4%. Out of respondents, 71.4% has religion : 79.2% has past career in the fields of clinics or public health: 62.3% accompanishes independent services: 77.9% belongs to primary school. About 69% of nursing room in special schools surveyed is located at the first floor. Out of special school surveyed, 90.9% has no organization for school health programms: Only 18.2% entrusted everyone of school doctor, school dentist, and school pharmacists with school health. 46.8% of respondents didn't know about the annual budget for school health programmes. The average annual expenditure for school health programme per special school was 317,000F26. won and the purchase cost for medical supplies accounted for the larger part of them. The monthly average number of students utilizing school nursing room was 71 per school, annual utilization times of school nursing room was 4.4 per student and utilization due to injury was prevalent by 26.6% and there is some differences in using the school nursing room according to disabled area. Rate of referral to medical facilities was 1.4%. The leading reason of referral to medical facilities was high fever among those who have visual handicaps, fracture among those who have emotional disturbance, injury by trauma among others. Nine hundred fifty six students of students in special school surveyed have sufferd from epilepsy and prevalence rate of epilepsy was 6.4%. Only 22.6% of respondents replied that they had physical examination more than 2 times per year. Out of respnodents, 98.7% answered that they had health education and 67.1% of them ansered that they educated in a classroom, 98.7% of respondents emphasized need of sex education. Respondents put the most emphasis on the personal hygiene when they performed health education and they used broadcasting education in the area of visual handicaps, OHP or VTR in hearing handicaps, home correspondence or OHP VTR in other area importantly. About 47% of repondents answered that health education was the most difficult and they emphasized that definite guide on health management was requested. Respondents had self-confidence and high perfomance rate in most of school-nurses' services completely, but so they was not in area of evaluation of school health programmes, an examination of physical strength, evaluation of health education, management of school purification area, suture of wounds. In consideration of above findings, we may conclude that special education for school-nurse in special schools as well as improvement of definite guiding principles are requested to establish direction for health management in special schools and to improve the degree of quality for school-nurses' sevices in special schools.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.402-414
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• 2017

Purpose: The purpose of the study was to evaluate the status of safety accidents and importance-performance analysis (IPA) between regular and non-regular employees in industry foodservices. Methods: The participants were regular employees (n = 119) and non-regular employees (n = 163) in industry foodservices in the Jeonbuk area. Demographic characteristics, status of safety accidents, safety education, and importance and performance status were assessed using a self-administered questionnaire. Results: Approximately 66.4% of regular employees and 53.4% of non-regular employees experienced safety accidents (p < 0.05). Types of safety accidents of regular and non-regular employees were mostly burns, and causes were mostly from their own negligence. Approximately 98.3% of regular employees and 95.1% of non-regular employees experienced safety education. Approximately 88.9% of regular employees and 96.8% of non-regular employees received safety education from dietitians. Approximately 41.9% of regular employees and 50.0% of non-regular employees had difficulty applying the contents of safety education due to lack of time during work. As a result of IPA, regular and non-regular employees were aware of the importance of the following and performed them well: 'Clean the floor of the work place', 'Arrange in the work area', 'Wear safety shoes', 'Check for heater cord', and 'Safety cooking when using oil'. On the other hand, they were not aware of the importance of the following and performed them insufficiently: 'Check for the MSDS', 'Aware of chemical signs', 'Wear protection gloves etc.', 'Do stretching exercise', and 'Using ancillary tools'. Conclusion: Therefore, it is necessary to improve the consciousness of dietitians for effective application of safety education contents, development of contents, especially MSDS, and related things.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.589-600
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• 2007

Recently, with the rapid expansion of the franchise restaurants, ensuring food safety has become essential for restaurant growth. Consequently, the need for food safety training and related material is in increasing demand. In this study, we identified potentially hazardous risk factors for ensuring food safety in restaurants through a food safety monitoring tool, and developed training materials for restaurant employees based on the results. The surveyed restaurants, consisting of 6 Korean restaurants and 1 Japanese restaurant were located in Seoul. Their average check was 15,500 won, ranging from 9,000 to 23,000 won. The range of their total space was 297.5 to $1322.4m^2$, and the amount of kitchen space per total area ranged from 4.4 to 30 percent. The mean score for food safety management performance was 57 out of 100 points, with a range of 51 to 73 points. For risk factor analysis, the most frequently cited sanitary violations involved the handwashing methods/handwashing facilities supplies (7.5%), receiving activities (7.5%), checking and recording of frozen/refrigerated foods temperature (0%), holding foods off the floor (0%), washing of fruits and vegetables (42%), planning and supervising facility cleaning and maintaining programs of facilities (50%), pest control (13%), and toilet equipped/cleaned (13%). Base on these results, the main points that were addressed in the hygiene training of restaurant employees included 4 principles and 8 concepts. The four principles consisted of personal hygiene, prevention of food contamination, time/temperature control, and refrigerator storage. The eight concepts included: (1) personal hygiene and cleanliness with proper handwashing, (2) approved food source and receiving management (3) refrigerator and freezer control, (4) storage management, (5) labeling, (6) prevention of food contamination, (7) cooking and reheating control, and (8) cleaning, sanitation, and plumbing control. Finally, a hygiene training manual and poster leaflets were developed as a food safety training materials for restaurants employees.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.62-85
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• 2009

The Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the South Sea shrine in Yeong-Am, Korea was a national institution for public peace and bliss, was excavated in 2000, and the shrine and the 3-way-gate were reconstructed in 2001. Hae Sin-sa, the Sea shrine is a place for religious service separated into the Nam-Hae Sin-sa, the Dong-Hae Myo, and the Seo-Hae Dan. The Dong-Hae Myo was reconstructed, but restored shrine and 3-way-gate of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa is not perfect in comparison with excavation plan in 2000, therefore new reconstruction was researched through the related literature, the analysis of historical maps and excavation results, the interview with the concerned people and the case study. This research defines the analysis of the Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction as follows. 1. The Nam-Hae Sin-sa was the institution for religious service operated by national direct management, represents the shrine for public peace and bliss on the Mountain, the Sea, and the River. Especially the Nam-Hae Sin-sa had an important position on the pivot of international trade with China and Japan, and had a role of main shrine with another one in the Mt. Ji-ri San. 2. The name of the Sea shrine was called as Nam-Hae Sin-sa(the South Sea shrine), Dong-Hae Myo(the East Sea shrine), Seo-Hae Dan(the West Sea shrine). But the name of the South Sea shrine had changed in the early period of Chosun as Nam-Hae Sin-sa to the later Chosun as Nam-Hae Dang through the research of related literature and historical map. Such as the Seo-Hae Dan, it was constructed for the Dan, the flat raised-floor without buildings, and changed to the type of Sa-Dang with addition of buildings. 3. The historical map of Hae Sin-sa informs the types of the roof, the Mat-bae roof was used in the Dong-Hae Myo, but the Pal-jak roof was showed in the Seo-Hae Dan and the Nam-Hae Sin-sa. 4. According to the analysis of Yong-Ch'uck the unit length, Nam-Hae Sin-sa was reconstructed in the period of Koryo on large scale, but it was restored in the Chosun on middle scale. And the Unit of Yong Ch'uck was changed into Yeong-jo Ch'uck in the period of Chosun. 5. As the results, The Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction designed the new shrine into the 3 Kan front and the 2 Kan side with 3:2 scale. An-ch'o-gong with Yong-du and Yong Mi the ornaments represents head and tail of dragon, the Un-gong and the ornament of Pa-ryun-dae-gong in the building, and the Ch'ung-ryang of the Yong-du show the image of the institution for religious service for the god of the sea who look like dragon. The inner gate building and the main entrance were designed as same plan and scale as Hyang-gyo, the Korean Traditional School and Shrine of Confucianism, on the basis of results of excavation. Raise the 3-tall gate of the main entrance with harmony of the scale and the shape, because the side of gate building has the Mat-bae roof. 6. This research shows that Plan of the Nam-Hae Sin-sa Reconstruction is composed into shrine space and reservation space from the main entrance to inner gate and shrine like Jung-ak Dan in the Mt. Gye-ryong San, and it also informs the well in the west side of Sin-sa is an important factor of the plan of shrine architecture.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2022

This paper examined the history and development of Gyeongbokgung Palace's back garden based on historical materials and drawings such as Joseon Ilgi(Diaries of Joseon Dynasty), Joseon Wangjo Sillok(the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Doseongdaejido(the Great Map of Seoul), Bukgwoldohyeong(Drawing Plan of the Northern Palace), the Bukgung Palace Restoration Plan, Restoration Planning of Gyeongbokgung Palace and the following results were derived. First, it was confirmed that the Back Garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace was famous for its great location since the Goryeo Dynasty, and that it was named Namkyeong at that time and was a place where a shrine was built, and that castles and palaces were already built during the Goryeo Dynasty under the influence of Fengshui-Docham(風水圖讖) and Zhouli·Kaogongji(周禮考工記). Although the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace in the early Joseon Dynasty stayed out of the limelight as a back garden for the palace, it has a place value as a living space for the head of the state from King Gojong to the present. Second, in order to clearly identify the boundaries of back garden, through literature such as map of Doseongdo (Map of the Capital), La Coree, Gyeongmudae Area, Japanese Geography Custom Compendium, Korean Photo Album, JoseonGeonchukdoJip(The Illustration Book of Joseon Construction), Urban Planning Survey of Gyeongseong, it was confirmed that the current Blue House area outside Sinmumun Gate was built outside the precincts of Gyeongbokgung Palace. It was found that the area devastated through the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, was used as a space where public corporations were combined through the process of reconstruction during the King Gojong period. In Japanese colonial era, the place value as a back garden of the primary palace was damaged, as the palace buildings of the back garden was relocated or destroyed, but after liberation, it was used as the presidential residence and restored the place value of the ruler. Third, in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace, spatial changes proceeded through the Japanese Invasion and Japanese colonial era. The place with the greatest geographical change was Gyeongnongjae area, where the residence of the Japanese Government-General of Korea was built, and there were frequent changes in the use of the land. On the other hand, the current Gyeongmudae area, the forests next to the small garden, and the forests of Baekak were preserved in the form of traditional forests. To clarify this, 1:1200 floor plan of inner Gyeongmudae residence and satellite images were overlapped based on Sinmumun Gate, and as a result, it was confirmed that the water path originating from Baekak still exists today and the forest area did not change. Fourth, in the areas where the traditional forest landscape was inherited, the functional changes in the topography were little, and major old-age colonies are maintained. The old trees identified in this area were indicator tree species with historical value. Representatively, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki, located in Nokjiwon Garden, is presumed to have been preserved as one of Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki planted next to Yongmundang, and has a historicality that has been used as a photo zone at dinners for heads of state and important guests. Lastly, in order to continuously preserve and manage the value of Gyeongbokgung Palace in Blue House, it is urgent to clarify the space value through excavation of historical materials in Japanese colonial era and establish a hierarchy of garden archaeology by era. In addition, the basis for preserving the historical landscape from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern era from Gyeongbokgung Palace should not damage the area of the old giant trees, which has been perpetuated since the past, and a follow-up study is needed to investigate all the forests in Blue House.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.23 no.3 s.31
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• pp.324-337
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• 1990

To assess the effectiveness of the interventions in working environment and personal hygiene for the occupational exposure to the lead, 156 workers (116 exposed subjects and 40 controls) of a newly established battery factory were examined for their blood lead concentration (Pb-B) in every 3 months up to 18 months. Air lead concentration (Pb-A) of the workplaces was also checked for 3 times in 6 months interval from August 1987. Environmental intervention included the local exhaust ventilation and vacuum cleaning of the floor. Intervention of the personal hygiene included the daily change of clothes, compulsory shower after work and hand washing before meal, prohibition of cigarette smoking and food consumption at the work site and wearing mask. Mean Pb-B of the controls was $21.97{\pm}3.36{\mu}g/dl$ at the preemployment examination and slightly increased to $22.75{\pm}3.38{\mu}g/dl$ after 6 months. Mean Pb-B of the workers who were employed before the factory was in operation (Group A) was $20.49{\pm}3.84{\mu}g/dl$ on employment and it was increased to $23.90{\pm}5.30{\mu}g/dl$ after 3 months (p<0.01). Pb-B was increased to $28.84{\pm}5.76{\mu}g/dl$ 6 months after the employment which was 1 month after the initiation of intervention program. It did not increase thereafter and ranged between $26.83{\mu}g/dl\;and\;28.28{\mu}g/dl$ in the subsequent 4 tests. Mean Pb-B of the workers who were employed after the factory had been in operation but before the intervention program was initiated (Group B) was $16.58{\pm}4/53{\mu}g/dl$ before the exposure and it was increased to $28.82{\pm}5.66{\mu}g/dl$(P<0.01) in 3 months later (1 month after the intervention). The values of subsequent 4 tests remained between 26.46 and $28.54{\mu}g/dl$. Mean Pb-B of the workers who were employed after intervention program had been started (Group C) was $19.45{\pm}3.44{\mu}g/dl$ at the preemployment examination and gradually increased to $22.70{\pm}4.55{\mu}g/dl$ after 3 months(P<0.01), $23.68{\pm}4.18{\mu}g/dl$ after 6 months, and $24.42{\pm}3.60{\mu}g/dl$ after 9 months. Work stations were classified into 4 parts according to Pb-A. The Pb-A of part I, the highest areas, were $0.365mg/m^3$, and after the intervention the levels were decreased to $0.216mg/m^3\;and\;0.208mg/m^3$ in follow-up tests. The Pb-A of part II was decreased from $0.232mg/m^3\;to\;0.148mg/m^3,\;and\;0.120mg/m^3$ after the intervention. Pb-A of part III and W was tested only after intervention and the Pb-A of part III were $0.124mg/m^3$ in Jannuary 1988 and $0.081mg/m^3$ in August 1988. The Pb-A of part IV not stationed at one place but moving around, was $0.110mg/m^3$ in August 1988. There was no consistent relationship between Pb-B and Pb-A. Pb-B of the group A and B workers in the part of the highest Pb-A were lower than those of the workers in the parts of lower Pb-A. Pb-B of the workers in the part of the lowest Pb-A incerased more rapidly. Pb-B of group C workers was the highest in part I and the lowest in part IV. These findings suggest that Pb-B is more valid method than Pb-A for monitoring the health of lead workers and intervention in personal hygiene is more effective than environmental intervention.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.31 no.1 s.60
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• pp.112-126
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• 1998

To investigate the effectiveness of the interventions in working environment and personal hygiene for the occupational exposure to the lead, the blood zinc protoporphyrin (ZPP) concentrations of 131 workers (100 exposed subjects and 31 controls) of a newly established battery factory were analyzed. They were measured in every 3 months up to 18 months. Ai. lead concentration (Pb-A) of the workplaces was also checked for 3 times in 6 months interval from August 1987. Environmental intervention included the local exhaust ventilation and vacuum cleaning of the floor. Intervention of the personal hygiene included the daily change of clothes, compulsory shower after work and hand washing before meal, prohibition of cigarette smoking and food consumption at the work site and wearing mask. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the controls was $16.45{\pm}4.83{\mu}g/d\ell$ at the preemployment examination and slightly increased to $17.77{\pm}5.59{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 6 months. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed before the factory was in operation (Group A) was $17.36{\pm}5.20{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was increased to $23.00{\pm}13.06{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 3 months. The blood ZPP concentration was increased to $27.25{\pm}6.40{\mu}g/d\ell$ on 6 months (p<0.01) after the employment which was 1 month after the initiation of intervention program. It did not increase thereafter and ranged between $25.48{\mu}g/d\ell$ and $26.61{\mu}g/d\ell$ in the subsequent 4 results. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed after the factory had been in operation but before the intervention program was initiated (Group B) was $14.34{\pm}6.10{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was increased to $28.97{\pm}7.14{\mu}g/d\ell$ (p<0.01) in 3 months later(1 month after the intervention). The values of subsequent 4 tests were maintained between $26.96{\mu}g/d\ell$and $27.96{\mu}g/d\ell$. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed after intervention program had been started (Group C) was$21.34{\pm}5.25{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was gradually increased to $23.37{\pm}3.86{\mu}g/d\ell$ (p<0.01) after 3 months, $23.93{\pm}3.64{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 6 months, $25.50{\pm}3.01{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 9 months, and $25.50{\pm}3.10{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 12 months. Workplaces were classified into 4 parts according to Pb-A. The Pb-A of part I, the highest areas, were $0.365mg/m^3$, and after the intervention the levels were decreased to $0.216mg/m^3$ and$0.208mg/m^3$ in follow-up test. The Pb-A of part II which was resulted in lowe. value than part I was decreased from $0.232mg/m^3$ to $0.148mg/m^3$, and $0.120mg/m^3$ after the intervention. The Pb-A of part III was tested after the intervention and resulted in $0.124mg/m^3$ in January 1988 and $0.181mg/m^3$ in August 1988. The Pb-A of part IV was also tested after the intervention and resulted in $0.110mg/m^3$ in August 1988. There was no consistent relationship between Pb-A and blood ZPP concentration. The blood ZPP concentration of the group A and B workers in the part of the highest Pb-A were lower than those of the workers in the parts of lower Pb-A. The blood ZPP concentration of the workers in the part of the lowest Pb-A increased more rapidly. The blood ZPP concentration of the group C workers was the highest in part III. These findings suggest that the intervention in personal hygiene is more effective than environmental intervention, and it should be carried out from the first day of employment and to both the exposed subjects, blue color workers and the controls, white color workers.