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과학대중화를 위한 과학관 해설사 역량 탐색 : 국내·외 과학관 해설사 교육과정을 중심으로 (Exploring Science Communicators' Competencies for Public Understanding of Science (PUS): Focusing on National and International Science Communicators' Curriculums)

  • 박영신
    • 대한지구과학교육학회지
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    • 제15권3호
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    • pp.373-390
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    • 2022
  • 이 연구는 국내·외 과학관 해설사의 역량강화를 위한 양성 및 재교육을 포함한 교육과정을 비교하면서 국내의 체계적인 과학관 해설사의 교육과정에 필요한 요소를 제시하는 것이다. 국내의 국립과학관, 자연사박물관, 및 시립과학관 총 6개의 기관에서 국외는 5개의 나라의 과학관 및 자연사박물관 등의 해설사 교육담당 실무자와 해설사들이 이 연구에 참여하여 해설사의 교육과정의 현황, 문제점, 개선점 등에 대해서 2차에 걸친 설문에 응답하였다. 이와 더불어 국내의 20년 이상의 경력을 지닌 모범 박 해설사의 수업일지, 본인 개발 해설사 운영매뉴얼, 인터뷰 등의 자료를 통해 이러한 해설사의 역량강화를 위한 교육과정에 필요한 요소가 무엇인지를 증거자료로 추가적으로 사용하였다. 수집된 자료를 바탕으로 도출된 해설사 관련 결과는 공통점과 특정한 내용으로 비교 기술되었으며 또한 Falk(2006)가 제시한 학습맥락모형(contextual model of learning)으로 제시되는 3가지 맥락인 개인적 맥락, 사회문화적 맥락, 그리고 물리적 맥락에 비추어 해설사의 역량과 얼마나 연계가 있는지도 제시하였다. 국내의 경우는 이러한 학습맥락모형에 연계된 역량강화가 잘 드러나지 않는 반면에 국외 특히 미국의 경우는 이러한 3가지의 맥락에서 필요한 해설사의 역량강화를 강조하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 하지만 이 연구에 참여한 20년 경력의 모범 박 해설사의 경우는 이러한 3가지 맥락에서 필요한 역량을 모두 갖춘 경력해설사이기에 이러한 경력해설사로 구성된 멘토 체계로 초임해설사를 양성하고 역량강화를 하는 연수과정을 개발하여 제공한다면 국내 과학관을 방문하는 관람객들이 추구하는 과학 학습효과를 높일 수 있을 것으로 판단한다. 관람객들의 정체성을 잘 파악하여 방문하는 이들에게 최대한의 과학 학습효과를 경험시키기 위해서는 이와 상호작용하는 과학해설사의 교육과정이 운영실무자와 해설사의 상호작용을 기반으로 해설사의 의견이 충분히 반영되는 실무기반 멘토링 제도로 개발 운영되어야 할 것이다.

아동학대로 진단된 환아의 임상적 고찰 (A Clinical Study of Child Abuse)

  • 최윤진;김신미;심은정;조도준;김덕하;민기식;유기양
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • 제50권5호
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    • pp.436-442
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    • 2007
  • 목 적 : 아동학대는 학대받은 아동의 신체적, 정신적 장애를 초래할 뿐 아니라 아동학대의 피해자가 성인이 되어 또 다른 가해자가 되는 악순환을 초래하는 등 후유증이 크기 때문에 피해 아동들의 특징과 손상을 임상적으로 분석함으로써 소아과 의사로서 아동 학대의 심각성을 인식하고 조기 진단과 치료, 향후 예방을 위해 지속적으로 노력해야 할 필요성을 강조하고자 본 연구를 시행하였다. 방 법 : 1999년 1월부터 2005년 12월까지 한림대학교 성심병원에 내원하여 아동학대로 추정되거나 진단된 18세 미만 소아 환아 20명을 대상으로 하였다. 환아들의 의무 기록을 후향적으로 검토하여 연령 및 성별, 학대 유형, 가해자, 가족의 특징 및 위험 인자, 내원 당시 주 증상, 진찰 소견, 손상의 종류와 정도, 치료 결과 및 예후에 대해 조사하였다. 결 과 : 연령분포는 1세 이하가 14명(74%)으로 가장 많았고, 평균 연령은 2.8세였으며, 성별 분포는 1:1로 비슷한 양상을 보였다. 대다수에서 첫 방문 당시 응급실로 내원하였으며 오후 6시부터 오전 8시 사이였다. 신체적 학대가 17례(85%)로 가장 많았으며, 다수에서 정신적 학대와 방임의 병력이 동시에 관찰되었다. 대상 환아의 70%에서 가해자를 확인할 수 있었으며, 부모에 의한 학대가 11례로 가장 많았다. 첫 내원 증상으로 경련이 8례로 장 많았고, 진찰 소견으로는 멍과 부종 등의 피부 손상이 가장 많았다. 골격계 정밀 검사를 시행했던 15례 중 6례에서 두개골 골절이 관찰되었고, 13례에서 두개내 출혈을 포함한 두개내 병변이 관찰되었다. 17례(85%)에서 입원 치료가 이루어졌으며 8례는 수술적 치료가 시행되었고, 총 4례가 사망하였다. 내원 당시 학대가 명백한 경우는 본원 사회사업과와 협의 진료 후 경찰서 또는 아동학대예방협회에 신고하였으며, 가해자에 대해서는 사회사업과와의 면담, 아동학대에 대한 교육, 정신과적 치료 등을 통해 재발 방지를 위한 노력이 있었다. 결 론 : 아동 학대는 사망률이 높고 생존자에서도 추후 신체적, 정신적으로 심각한 후유증을 남길 수 있으며 많은 수에서 재학대를 경험하므로 조기 발견 및 예방이 매우 중요하다. 따라서 학대가 의심되는 환아는 여러 방면의 전문가에 의해 철저한 검사가 시행되어져야 하고 소아과 의사로서 아동학대의 심각성을 인식하고 지속적인 관심과 예방을 위한 노력이 필요하다.

지구과학 MBL 수업의 과학 탐구와 논의적 의사소통에 관한 사례 연구 (A Case Study on Scientific Inquiry and Argumentative Communication in Earth Science MBL Classes)

  • 오진아;이선경;김찬종
    • 한국지구과학회지
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    • 제29권2호
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    • pp.189-203
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    • 2008
  • MBL은 학생들에게 정확하고 효율적인 데이터 수집과 실시간 그래프를 제공함으로써 실험 시간을 단축시켜, 실험 결과에 대한 깊이 있는 토론을 가능하게 함으로 탐구의 본질적 특징인 의사소통과정을 강조한다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 과학 탐구와 탐구의 본질적 특징인 의사소통의 관점에서 중등학교 지구과학 MBL수업의 양상을 살펴보았다. 3개의 MBL수업을 녹화한 비디오 테잎을 주된 자료원으로 하였으며, 수업 녹화물과 전사본을 교실탐구 기본요소와 논의 요소틀을 이용하여 분석하였다. 교실탐구의 기본요소는 "문제제기", "증거수집", "설명형성", "과학지식과의 연결", "이론의 발표"의 5가지이다. 연구 결과로 첫째, 세 수업은 각 진행 단계별로 탐구 요소와 그 수준에서 유사한 양상을 보여주었다. 학생들은 교사 주도적 문제 제기로부터, 절차에 따른 증거 수집을 하고, 교사의 지도에 따라 설명을 형성하며, 특정 과학지식을 사용하도록 안내되었다. 하지만, 이론의 발표 요소는 1개의 수업에서만 관찰되었다. 둘째, 탐구의 본질적 측면으로서 논의적 의사소통은 매우 드물게 나타났다. 논의 과정을 포함한 담화 에피소드는 과학적 현상을 다루기보다 실험 과정이나 절차적 측면에 관해 이루어졌다 이론의 발표가 진행된 수업에서 1개의 에피소드만이 과학현상과 관련된 활발한 논의적 의사소통을 보여주었다. 결론적으로 MBL자료가 탐구의 본질적 특징인 의사소통을 강조한다 하더라도, 실제 수업에서 진정한 탐구의 모습을 구현하는 일은 쉽지 않다는 것을 알 수 있다. 따라서 MBL수업에서 탐구 및 논의적 의사소통을 구현하기 위해서는 학생들에게 논의의 기회 제공과 더불어 논의를 유의미하게 개진할 수 있는 교사의 적절한 도움이 필요하다.

중국(中國) 연변지구(延邊地區) 조선족(朝鮮族)마을의 구성(構成) 룡정시 지신향 장재촌을 대상으로 (Tie Spatial Structure of Ch'ang-ts'ai-ts'un Village A Case Study on a Rural Village of Korean Immigrants in Yen-pien Area of China)

  • 이규성
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제3권1호
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    • pp.83-99
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    • 1994
  • Ch'ang-Ts'al-Ts'un is a rural Village near Lung-jing City in Yen-pien Korean Autonomous Province of China. It was formed about 100 years ago by Korean Immigrants and has been developed maintaing the characteristics of traditional Korean architecture. Therefore investigating the spatial structure of this village is a meanigful work to confirm and explore one branch of Korean architecture. This study aims at analyzing the spatial structure of the village using direct data collected from the field work and indirect data from books and maps. The field work consists of on-the-site survey of the village layout, interviews of residents, observation notes and photography. Ch'ang-Ts'ai-Ts'un is located 360-370 m high above the sea level and at the side of a long valley. A river flows in the middle of the valley and relatively flat arable land exists at the both sides of the river. The location of the village related to the surrounding river and mountains suggests that the site of the village was chosen according to Feng-Shui, Chinese and Korean traditional architectural theory. The main direction of the house layouts is South-western. The village has been growing gradually until today. Therefore it is meaningful to make the village layout before Liberation(1946 A.D.) because the characteristics of Korean architecture prevailed more in that period. The area of the previous village is limited to the west side of the creek. New houses were later added to the east of the creek, forming a 'New Village'. Previously the village was composed of 3 small villages: Up, Middle and Down. Also the main access roads connecting the village with the neighboring villages were penetrating the village transversely. Presently the main access road comes to the village longitudinally from the main highway located in front of the village. The retrospective layout shows the existence of well-formed Territory, Places and Axes, thus suggesting a coherent Micro-cosmos. The boundary of imaginery territory perceived by present residents could be defined by linking conspicous outside places sorrounding the village such as Five-mountains, Front-mountain, Shin-dong village, Standing-rock, Rear-mountain and Myong-dong village. Inside the territory there are also the important places such as Bus-stop, Memorial tower of patriots, Road-maitenance building and the village itself. And inside it 5 transverse and 1 longitudinal axes exist in the form of river, roads and mountains. The perceived spatial structure of the village formed by Places, Axes and Territory is geometrical and well-balanced and suggests this village is fit for human settlement. The administrative area of the village is about 738 ha, 27 % of which is cultivated land and the rest is mountain area. Initially the village and surrounndings were covered with natural forest But the trees have been gradually cut down for building and warning houses, resulting in the present barren and artificial landscape with bare mountains and cultivated land. At present the area of the village occupied by houses is wedge-shaped, 600 m wide and 220 m deep in its maximum. The total area of the village is $122,175m^{2}$. The area and the rate of each sub-division arc as follow. 116 house-lots $91,465m^{2}$ (74.9 %) Land for public buildings and shops $2,980m^{2}$ (2.4 %) Roads $17,106m^{2}$ (14.0 %) Creek $1,356m^{2}$ (1.1 %) Vacant spaces and others $9,268m^{2}$ (7.6 %) TOTAL $122,175m^{2}$ (100.0 %) Each lot is fenced around with vertical wooden pannels 1.5-1.8 m high and each house is located to the backside of the lot. The open space of a lot is sub-divided into three areas using the same wooden fence: Front yard, Back yard and Access area. Front and back yards are generally used for crop-cultivation, the custom of which is rare in Korea. The number of lots is 116 and the average size of area is $694.7m^{2}$. Outdoor spaces in the village such as roads, vacant spaces, front yard of the cultural hall, front yard of shops and spacse around the creek are good 'behavioral settings' frequently used by residents for play, chatting, drinking and movie-watching. The road system of the village is net-shaped, having T-junctions in intersections. The road could be graded to 4 categories according to their functions: Access roads, Inner trunk roads, Connecting roads and Culs-de-sac. The total length of the road inside the village is 3,709 m and the average width is 4.6 m. The main direction of the road in the village is NNE-SSE and ESE-WNW, crossing with right angles. Conclusively, the spatial structure of Ch'ang-Ts'ai-Ts'un village consists of various components in different dimensions and these components form a coherent structure in each dimension. Therefore the village has a proper spatial structure meaningful and appropriate for human living.

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울산쇠부리소리의 전승 양상 (A Study on the Transmission of 'Soeburi-Song' in Ulsan)

  • 양영진
    • 공연문화연구
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    • 제37호
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    • pp.157-186
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    • 2018
  • 울산 쇠부리소리는 1981년 8월 달천철장의 마지막 불매대장인 고(故) 최재만(1987년 별세)의 구술과 소리를 바탕으로 1980년대에 재연된 소리이다. 본 고는 1981년 영상 등 총 13종의 자료를 바탕으로 쇠부리소리를 음악적 측면에서 분석하고, 전승 과정에서의 변화 양상을 확인하는데 목적을 둔 논문이다. 도출된 결과를 정리하면 다음과 같다. 2017년 쇠부리소리 자료를 살펴본 결과, 풍물패는 상쇠, 부쇠, 징2, 북4, 장구4, 태평소1로 구성되어 있고, 장단은 질굿, 자진모리, 다드래기, 덧배기, 자진덧배기의 5종을 친다. 가창곡은 3소박 4박자의 덧배기 자진덧배기 장단에 맞추어, 또는 무장단으로 부른다. 구성음은 대부분 Mi-La-do의 3음 또는 Mi-La-do-re의 4음으로, 음역은 1옥타브를 넘지 않는다. 종지음은 모두 La로 동일하다. 1981년 발굴 이후 오늘날까지의 쇠부리소리 연행을 살펴본 결과, 크게 4가지의 변화를 발견할 수 있었다. 먼저 악곡의 구성이 '긴-자진'으로 분화되고, <금줄소리>, <애기 어르는 소리>, <성냥간 불매소리>가 첨가되었다. 둘째 가창 방식은 1980년대 재연 이후 '1인 선창자+다인 후창자'를 기본으로, 1인 후창자를 별도로 지정하기도 하였다. 더불어 2013년 연행된 <자진불매소리>는 <성냥간 불매소리>의 토대가 되었다. 셋째 <긴-자진 불매소리>의 선율적 변화가 관찰되었다. 박자구조는 모두 3소박 4박자이나, 속도가 느려지고, Mi-La-do의 3음을 골격으로 높은 re와 낮은 Sol이 첨삭되어 메나리토리의 특성이 명확히 드러난다. 마지막으로 풍물 악기는 꽹과리, 징, 장구, 북의 사물이 주로 쓰이며, 공연에 따라 소고, 태평소, 요령 등을 첨가하기도 한다. 장단은 자진모리, 다드래기, 덧배기, 자진덧배기 장단을 처음부터 연주했으며, 이후 질굿 장단이 추가되었다. 이와 같은 결과를 통하여 최초 발굴 당시, <애기 어르는 소리>와 같은 단순한 형태의 <불매소리>가 남성 노동요로 목적이 바뀌고 연희성이 강해지며 하나의 공연 예술로 변화되었음을 확인하였다.

현행 낙양춘의 형성과정 재고 (Reconsideration of the Formation Process of Current Nagyangchun)

  • 임현택
    • 공연문화연구
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    • 제43호
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    • pp.79-120
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    • 2021
  • 낙양춘은 고려시대에 유입된 송나라의 사악으로, 보허자와 더불어 현재까지 전해지고 있는 당악곡이다. 『고려사』 「악지」의 당악조와 『증보문헌비고』에 낙양춘의 제목과 가사가 전하고 있다. 현재까지 남아 있는 낙양춘 수록 악보로는 조선시대의 『악장요람』, 『속악원보』 권4 및 권6, 일제강점기의 『아악부악보』, 『제6회 아악생교과철』, 『이왕직아악부 오선악보』가 있다. 이외에도 현행되고 있는 낙양춘의 선율은 국립국악원 발행의 『한국음악』과 『국악전집』에 바탕을 두고 있다. 본고는 이 악보들을 연구대상으로 삼아 현재 국립국악원에서 행하고 있는 낙양춘이 어떤 변화과정을 거쳐 현재와 같은 구조와 형식을 갖추게 되었는지 살펴보는 데에 목적을 두었다. 그 연구결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 본래 사악이었으나 가사 없이 기악곡으로 전해지던 낙양춘의 노래는 1978년과 1979년 국립국악원 발행의 『한국음악』 제16집 및 『국악전집』 제7집에서 처음으로 나타난다. 이 과정에서 김기수에 의해 추가된 장구점이 현재 자취를 감추고, 좌고가 이를 대신하고 있다. 둘째, 『악장요람』 이후 현재까지 황(黃), 태(太), 중(仲), 임(林), 남(南) 5음은 변함없이 유지되어 오고 있으나, 각 1회씩 출현하는 무(無)/응(應)과 협(夾)/고(姑)의 음고는 점차 상승되어 『아악생교과철』 혹은 늦어도 『이왕직아악부 오선악보』에 이르러 응(應)과 고(姑)로 통일되어 현재에 이르고 있다. 셋째, 현행 낙양춘의 선율은 미전사(a·b·c·d) 및 미후사(e·b'·c'·d')의 형식 안에서 악구별 출현음 및 음역이 상승하는 구조로 이루어져 있다. 특히 미전사와 미후사의 도입구 격인 a형과 e형 선율을 제외한 나머지 선율형이 해당 악구 내에서 점차 하행하는 구조를 나타냄으로써 전반적으로 상승과 하강의 구조가 조화를 이루고 있다. 넷째, 『아악부악보』에서부터 등장한 간음은 현재 일곱 가지 유형으로 대별되는데, 2도, 3도, 4도, 5도의 상행 음고로 출현하여 선율진행을 부드럽게 또는 유창하게 이어 주는 역할을 한다. 다섯째, 『악장요람』 이후 가사 없이 기악곡으로 전해 오던 낙양춘은 1960년 이혜구의 의해 복원된 후 기악반주에 남녀창이 추가된 형태로 전승되고 있다. 이상 『악장요람』 이후 변화과정을 거쳐 형성된 현행 낙양춘을 검토한 결과, 장구의 편성, 조(調)의 규명, 가사 검토 등 현재 국립국악원에서 연주되고 있는 낙양춘에 대하여 재고를 요하는 과제들이 발견되었다. 추후 이에 대한 후속 연구를 지속적으로 이어 나간다면 낙양춘의 문화적 전승에 기여할 수 있을 것이다.

중국의 사지서목에 대하여 -육사예문$\cdot$경적지의 분류 및 편목체재 비교를 중심으로- (On the Bibliographies of Chinese Historical Books - Classifying and cataloguing system of six historical bibliographies -)

  • 강순애
    • 한국문헌정보학회지
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    • 제24권
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    • pp.289-332
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    • 1993
  • In china, six bibliographies of offical historical books are evaluated at the most important things among the systematically-editing bibliographies. These bibliographies would be usful to study the orign of classical sciences and their development, bibliographic research of Chinese classics, bibliographic judgement on genuine books, titles, authors, volumes. They could be refered to research into graving, correcting, and existence of ancient books. therefore, these bibliographies would be applied to estimation the phase of scientific and cultural development. The study of these bibliographies has been not yet made in Korea. This thesis lays its importance on the background of their appearance, their classification norms, organizing system of their catalogue, and comparison between their difference. 1. Editing and compiling of Chilyak (칠약) by Liu Chin (유흠) and official histories played an important role of entering an apperance of historical book's bibliographies. Chilyak has been lost. However, its classification and compiling system of classical books would be traced by Hansoyemunji(한서예문지) of which basic system is similar to Chilyak. It classified books according to their scientific characteristic. If a few books didn't have their own categories, they were combined by the circles parallel to the books' characteristic. With the books classified under the same scientific characteristic, they were again divided into the scientific schools or structures. It also arranged the same kinds of books according to the chronology. The some books wi th duplicate subjects were classified multiplely by their duplicate subject. 2. Ssu-ma Chon's (사마천) The Historical Records (Saki, 사기) and Pan Ku's (반고) The History of the Former Han Dynasty (Hanso, 한서) has also took effects on appearance of historical books' bibliographies. Covering overall history, Saki was structured by the five parts: The basic annals(본기), the chronological tables (표), the documents (서), the hereditary houses (세가), biographies (열전). The basic annals dealt with kings and courts' affairs according to the chronology. The chronological tables was the records of the annals. The documents described overall the social and cultural systems. The hereditary houses recorded courts' meritorious officials and public figures. The biographies showed exemplars of seventy peoples selected by their social status. Pan Ku(반구)'s The History of the Former Han Dynasty(한서) deserved to be called the prototype for the offical histories after Saki's (사기; The Historical Records) apperance. Although it modelled on Saki, it had set up its own cataloguing system. It was organized by four parts; the basic annals (본기), the chronological tables (표), treatises(지), biographies (열전). The documents in the Hanso(한서) was converted into treatises(지). The hereditary houses and biographies were merged. For the first time, the treatise with The Yemunji could operate function for historical bibliographies. 3. There were six historical bibliographies: Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), Susokyongjeokji (수서경적지), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지), Shindangsoyemunji (신당서예문지), Songsayemunji (송사예문지), Myongsayemunji (명사예문지). 1) Modelling on Liu Chin's Chilyak except Chipryak(집략), Hansoyemunji divided the characteristic of the books and documents into six parts: Yukrye(육예), Cheja(제자), Shibu(시부), Pyongsoh(병서), Susul(수술), Pangki(방기). Under six parts, there were thirty eight orders in Hansoyemunji. To its own classification, Hansoyemunji applied the Chilyak's theory of classification that the books or documents were managed according to characteristic of sciences, the difference of schools, the organization of sentences. However the overlapped subjects were deleted and unified into one. The books included into an unsuitable subject were corrected and converted into another. The Hansoyemunji consisted of main preface (Taesoh 대서), minor preface (Sosoh 소서) , the general preface (Chongso 총서). It also recorded the introduction of books and documents, the origin of sciences, the outline of subjects, and the establishment of orders. The books classified by the subject had title, author, and volumes. They were rearranged by titles and the chronological publication year. Sometimes author was the first access point to catalogue the books. If it was necessary for the books to take footnotes, detail notes were formed. The Volume number written consecutively to order and subject could clarify the quantity of books. 2) Refering to Classfication System by Seven Norms (칠분법) and Classification System by Four Norms(사분법), Susokyongjeokji(수서경적지) had accomplished the classification by four norms. In fact, its classification largely imitated Wanhyosoh(완효서)'s Chilrok(칠록), Susokyongjeokji's system of classification consisted of four parts-Kyung(경), Sa(사), Cha(자), Chip(칩). The four parts were divided into 40 orders. Its appendix was again divided into two parts, Buddihism and Taiosm. Under the two parts there were fifteen orders. Totally Susokyongjeokji was made of six parts and fifty five orders. In comparison with Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), it clearly showed the conception of Kyung, Sa, Cha, Chip. Especially it deserved to be paid attention that Hansoyemunji laied history off Chunchu(춘추) and removed history to Sabu(사부). However Chabu(사부) put many contrary subjects such as Cheja(제자), Kiye(기예), Sulsu(술수), Sosol(소설) into the same boundary, which committed errors insufficient theoretical basis. Anothor demerit of Susokyongjeokji was that it dealt with Taiosm scriptures and Buddism scriptures at the appendix because they were considered as quasi-religion. Its compilation of bibliographical facts consisted of main preface(Taesoh 대서), minor preface(Sosoh 소서), general preface (Chongsoh 총서), postscript (Husoh 후서). Its bibliological facts mainly focused on the titles. Its recorded authors' birth date and their position. It wrote the lost and existence of books consecutive to total number of books, which revealed total of the lost books in Su Dynasty. 3) Modelling on the basis of Kokumsorok(고분서록) and Naewaekyongrok(내외경록), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지) had four parts and fourty five orders. It was estimated as the important role of establishing basic frame of classification by four norms in classification theory's history. However it had also its own limit. Editing and compling orders of Kudangsokyongjeokji had been not progressively changed. Its orders imitated by and large Susokyongjeokji. In Its system of organizing catalogue, with its minor preface and general preface deleting, Kudangsokyongjeokji by titles after orders sometimes broke out confusion because of unclear boundaries between orders. 4) Shindangsoyemunji(신당서예문지), adding 28,469 books to Kudangsokyongjeokji, recorded 82,384 books which were divided by four parts and fourty four orders. In comparison with Kudangkyongjeokj, Sindangsoyemunji corrected unclear order's norm. It merged the analogical norms four orders (for instance, Kohun 고훈 and Sohakryu 소학류) and seperated the different norms four orders (for example, Hyokyong 효경 and Noneuhryu 논어류, Chamwi 참위 and Kyonghaeryu 경해류, Pyonryon 편년 and Wisaryu 위사류). Recording kings' behaviors and speeches (Kikochuryu 기거주류) in the historical parts induced the concept of specfication category. For the first time, part of Chipbu (집부) set up the order of classification norm for historical and literatural books and documents (Munsaryu 문사류). Its editing and compiling had been more simplified than Kudangsokyongjeokji. Introduction was written at first part of bibliographies. Appendants except bibliographic items such subject, author, title, volume number, total were omitted. 5) Songsayemunji(송사예문지) were edited in the basis of combining Puksong(북송) and Namsong(남송), depending on Sabukuksayemunji(사부국사예문지). Generally Songsayemunji had lost a lot of bibliographical facts of many books. They were duplicated and wrongly classified books because it committed an error of the incorrectly annalistic editing. Particularly Namsong showed more open these defaults. Songsayemunji didin't include the books published since the king Youngchong(영종). Its system of classification was more better controlled. Chamwiryu(참위류) in the part of Kyongbu(경부) was omitted. In the part of history(Sabu 사부), recordings of kings' behaviors and speeches more merged in the annals. Historical abstract documents (Sachoryu 사초류) were seperately arranged. In the part of Chabu(자부), Myongdangkyongmaekryu(명당경맥류) and Euisulryu(의술류) were combined. Ohangryu(오행류) were laied off Shikuryu(시구류). In the part of Chipbu(집부), historical and literatural books (Munsaryu 문사류) were independentely arranged. There were the renamed orders; from Wisa(위사) to Paesa(패사), Chapsa (잡사) to Pyolsa(열사), Chapchonki(잡전기) to Chonki(전기), Ryusoh(류서) to Ryusa(류서). Introduction had only main preface. The books of each subject catalogued by title, the volume number, and author and arranged mainly by authors. Annotations were written consecutively after title and the volume number. In the afternote the number of not-treated books were revealed. Difference from Singdangsohyemunji(신당서예문지) were that the concept and boundary of orders became more clearer. It also wrote the number of books consecutive to main subject. 6) Modelling on Chonkyongdangsomok (경당서목), Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) was compiled in the basis of books and documents published in the Ming Danasty. In classification system, Myongsayemunji partly merged and the seperated some orders for it. It also deleted and renamed some of orders. In case of necessity, combining of orders' norm was occured particulary in the part of Sabu(사부) and Chabu(자부). Therefore these merging of orders norm didn't offer sufficient theretical background. For example, such demerits were seen in the case that historical books edited by annals were combined with offical historical ones which were differently compiled and edited from the former. In the part of Chabu(자부), it broke out another confusion that Pubga(법가), Meongga(명가), Mukga(묵가), Chonghweongka's(종횡가) thoughts were classified in the Chapka(잡가). Scriptures of Taiosim and Buddhism were seperated from each other. There were some deleted books such as Mokrokryu(목록류), Paesaryu(패사류) in the part of history (Sabu 사부) and Chosaryu(초사류) in the part of Chipbu(집부). The some in the each orders had been renamed. Imitating compiling system of Songsayemunji(송사예문지), with reffering to its differ-ence, Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) wrote the review and the change of the books by author. The number of not-treated books didn't appear at the total. It also deleted the total following main subject.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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