• Title/Summary/Keyword: family study

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Hypertension Management Status in Rural Hypertensives (농촌지역(農村地域) 고혈압환자(高血壓患者)의 고혈압(高血壓) 관리행태(管理行態))

  • Kim, Hyun-Sook;Kam, Sin;Kim, Jong-Yeon;Park, Ki-Soo;Lee, Kyeong-Soo
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.28 no.1
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    • pp.93-106
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    • 2003
  • Objectives: This study was conducted to investigate the treatment status and its related factors of the rural hypertensives. Methods: A questionnaire survey was performed to 618 rural hypertensives during September, 2002. Results: The proportion of those who were compliant to the antihypertensive medication was 68.9%. The compliance rate to the antihypertensive medication was significantly related with sex and economic status(p<0.05). That is, if they were female, higher economic level, the regular antihypertensive medication rate was higher. The regular antihypertensive medication rate was higher when they had higher knowledge for hypertension, higher severity for hypertension of him or her(p<0.01). And the compliance rate to the antihypertensive medication was significantly related with hypertensives' own explanatory model for hypertension(p<0.01). The rate of drug use except antihypertensives was 12.5%. The rate of drug use except antihypertensives was higher when they experienced side effects of antihypertensive drug and when they had irregular medication for antihypertensive drug(p<0.01). The rate of medical equipment use was 18.9%. The utilization rate of medical equipment such as jade mat, germanium material was significantly related with age, experience of side effects of antihypertensive drug, medication status for antihypertensive drug(p<0.05). The rate of folk therapy use was 16.2%. The rate of folk therapy use was higher when they had no family, when they had knowledge about hypertension on the average, when they had hypertension over 10 years(p<0.05), and when they experienced side effects of antihypertensive drug and when they had irregular medication for antihypertensive drug(p<0.01). The rates of drug use except antihypertensives, medical equipment use, and folk therapy were significantly related with hypertensives' own explanatory model for hypertension(p<0.05). Conclusions: On consideration of above findings, it would be essential to provide knowledge about hypertension and its treatment, and severity of hypertension complications through health education.

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Studies on the Improvement of the Cropping System (I) (작부체계(作付體系) 개선(改善)에 관(關)한 조사연구(調査硏究)(I))

  • Choi, Chang Yeol
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.10 no.1
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    • pp.61-73
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    • 1983
  • This study was conducted to obtain fundamental informations on the improvement of cropping system to increase in land utilization rate and crop production. In order to group the characteristics of areas, Chungnam province was classified into 4 classes: Suburb (Daedeog Gun, Cheonwon Gun), Plain (Nonsan Gun, Dangjin Gun) Coastal (Seosan Gun, Boryeong Gun) and Hilly region (Gongju Gun, Cheongyang Gun). 100 farm households were sampled from each region, and cropping system and utilization state of paddy and upland in 1982 were surveyed. The results obtained were summarized as follows: 1. Average utilization rate of upland was 161.9 % The utilization rate of upland at plain was highest (188.9 %), and that at suburb showed lowest value (152.0%). 2. Number of crops cultivated at upland was 32 kinds. Among the rate of planting area of each crop. soybean showed highest rate of 18.8%, barley 15.4%, red-pepper 13.1% and chinese' cabbage 10.1% respectively, but the red pepper showed highest rate of planting area at suburb, the barley at hilly region and the soybean at plain and coastal region. 3. Average utilization rate of paddy was 115.6% and the utilization rate of paddy at suburb showed the highest value (140.0%) and that at coastal region the lowest value (108.2%). 4. 12 kinds of crops were cultivated at paddy before or after rice cultivation. Among the crops cultivated at paddy before or after rice cultivation, barley showed the highest area rate (5.0%) of cultivation and strawberry the next but the strawberry showed the highest area rate of cultivation at suburb and barley at other regions. 5. The cropping systems at upland were divided into single cropping and double cropping. Types of double cropping at upland were classified into 38 types by the combinations of crops. Among the types of double cropping, the rate of cultivation area of soybean after barley combination was 35.0%, but at suburb the rate of this type of cropping system was low and the double cropping of vegetable combinations showed high rate. 6. Types of double cropping at paddy were classified into 6 types. As a whole, double cropping of barley after rice combination showed highest rate of cultivation area (42.8%) among crop combinations but at suburb, the area rate of this type cropping was low and cultivation of fruit vegetable after rice showed highest rate. The area rate of post - cropping to rice was 76.3% of whole double cropping area at paddy and significantly higher than the rate of precropping to rice. 7. Some kinds of crop combinations were consisted of same family or closely related crops and the characteristics of the crop rotation between those crops are almost same. The area cultivated those unreasonable crop combinations were 19.09 ha. 8. At upland, planting area of the cereal crops, vegetale crops and industrial crops crops and industrial crops was 88.92ha, 93.70ha and 21.80ha respectively. The Planting area of cereal crops was significantly less than that of vegetable crops. 9. Most of all the research reports on the cropping system from 1910 to 1980 were about the post cropping after rice harvest. The objectives of researches could be classified into 14 kinds and the important objectives of researches were the planting time, the amounting of manuring, the quantity of seeding, the transplanting time, the ridging method, the sowing method and the variety test.

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Prevalence of Enteyobius vermiculuris infection and preventive effects of masts treatment among children in rural and urban areas, and children in orphanages (농촌, 도시 및 집단생활 아동의 요충 감염과 집단 구충에 의한 예방 효과)

  • Kim, Jong-Su;Lee, Hae-Yong;An, Yeong-Gyeom
    • Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.235-244
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    • 1991
  • An epidemiological study and mass treatments of Enterobius vermicularis infection among children near Wonju area of Kangwon province were carried out. The children were divided into 4 groups according to their residing localities; children in the mountainous area, rural area, urban area and in orphanage. They were examined by adhesive cellotape anal swab technique, and egg positive rates were obtained. The rates of egg reduction and re-infection rates after repeated mass treatments were also observed. The results obtained were as follows: 1. The overall egg Positive rate of E. vermicularis in the first screening was 19.9% (251 out of 1, 262 examinees; 19.7% in males and 20.1% in females). The positive rates were 13.0% in the mountainous area, 11 9% in the rural area, 15.1% in the urban (medium-sized) area and 61.9% in orphanages. 2. The highest positive rates were observed in the kindergarten children, and 1st and 2nd grade children of primary schools (26.2~32.2%), and the lowest rate (13.6%) in 6-year grade children of primary schools. 3. Cumulative detection rates from 3 repeated anal swabs at 4~5 days interval were higher (70.8%) than those from single anal swabs (50.0~59.2%). 4. Out of the examinees who showed the highest cumulative positive rate (70.8%), about 39.2% were consecutively positive in 3 anal swabs. Among different groups of children, the higher the total egg detection rates (87.5%), the higher the consecutive positive rates (71.9%) . 5. A total of 2, 609 (male : female=1 : 12.4) worms were collected from 17 egg-positive cases treated with anthelinintics. The mean number of worms per child was 153 (range: 4-824) . 6. The egg-positive cases in several studied groups (180 children) were treated with anthelmintics 6 times at 3-week intervals. In this case, the overall positive rate was decreased from 54.8% to 2.2% at 15 weeks after the treatments, but no complete negative conversion was experienced. However, in a group of children (154 children) including egg Positive and negative cases who were both treated with anthelmintics at 3-week interval, a complete egg-negative conversion was observed in the 9th week after treatments. 7. The egg-detection rate in the brothers or sisters of egg Positive children was 70.0% (28 out of 40 examined), and the egg-positive rate according to the family unit was 69.7%. In summarizing the above results, it is concluded that Enterobius vermicularis infection is still highly prevalent among children in Korea, and that repeated mass treatments of more than 3 times will be effective for control of this infection.

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Gender Differences in Pain in Cancer Patients (성별에 따른 암환자의 통증 차이)

  • Kim, Hyun-Sook;Lee, So-Woo;Yun, Young-Ho;Yu, Su-Jeong;Heo, Dae-Seog
    • Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.14-25
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    • 2001
  • Purpose : To determine whether there exist gender differences in pain in Korean cancer patients and whether the depression and performance that are often expressed differently between men and women with cancer interact with pain. Method : The results of survey were collected from 140 in- and out-patients (78 male and 62 female) who had cancer treatment at one of the university hospital in Seoul for four months from February of 1999. The severity and interference of pain were examined with the self-reported survey based on Korean version of Brief Pain Inventory (BPI-K). Demographic and clinical information for all patient were compiled by reviewing their medical records, and the level of depression was examined with the Korean version of Beck Depression Inventory (BDI-K). Usual statistical methods, e.g., frequences, means and SDs were used to characterize the sample. The chi-square tests for categorical data and t-test for numerical data were used for group comparison. And the correlation between variables were performed using Pearson correlation coefficient. Resuts : 1) The mean scores of the worst pain for last 24-hours measured with the pain severity of BPI-K were 5.77 in male and 6.45 in female. The pain interference of BPI-K in men was in the order of mood (5.49), enjoy (5.36), and work (5.00), and in women were work (7.48), enjoy (7.16), and mood (6.53). 2) In pain severity, significant difference was found between men and women in the average pain for last 24-hours (t=-2.130, P=.035). In pain interference, significant difference was found between men and women in activity (t=-2.450, P=.015), mood (t=-2,321, P=.022), walk (t=-2.762, P=.007), work (t=-4.946, P=.000), relate (t=-2.595, P=.010), sleep (t=-2.071, P=.040), enjoy (t=-3.198, P=.001). 3) It was found that the items of pain and depression are significantly correlated in men but not in women. Men also exhibited higher correlation in the items of pain and performance status than women. Conclusions : Women report significantly greater average pain for last 24-hours and for all items of pain interference than men. Pain and depression are significantly correlated in men. The results of this study suggest that gender differences in pain should be considered for planning effective pain management program.

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Anthropometric Measurement, Dietary Behaviors, Health-related Behaviors and Nutrient Intake According to Lifestyles of College Students (대학생의 라이프스타일 유형에 따른 신체계측, 식행동, 건강관련 생활습관 및 영양소 섭취상태에 관한 연구)

  • Cheong, Sun-Hee;Na, Young-Joo;Lee, Eun-Hee;Chang, Kyung-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.36 no.12
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    • pp.1560-1570
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    • 2007
  • The purpose of this study was to investigate the differences according to lifestyle in anthropometric measurement, dietary attitude, health-related behaviors and nutrient intake among the college students. The subjects were 994 nation-wide college students (male: 385, female: 609) and divided into 7 clusters (PEAO: passive economy/appearance-oriented type, NCPR: non-consumption/pursuit of relationship type, PTA: pursuit of traditional actuality type, PAT: pursuit of active health type, UO: utility-oriented type, POF: pursuit of open fashion type, PFR: pursuit of family relations type). A cross-sectional survey was conducted using a self administered questionnaire, and the data were collected via Internet or by mail. The nutrient intake data collected from food record were analyzed by the Computer Aided Nutritional Analysis Program. Data were analyzed by a SPSS 12.0 program. Average age of male and female college students were 23.7 years and 21.6 years, respectively. Most of the college students had poor eating habits. In particular, about 60% of the PEAO group has irregularity in meal time. The students in PAH and POF groups showed significantly higher consumption frequency of fruits, meat products and foods cooked with oil compared to the other groups. As for exercise, drinking and smoking, there were significant differences between PAH and the other groups. Asked for the reason for body weight control, 16.2% of NCPR group answered "for health", but 24.8% of PEAO group and 26.3% of POF group answered "for appearance". Calorie, vitamin A, vitamin $B_2$, calcium and iron intakes of all the groups were lower than the Korean DRIs. Female students in PTA group showed significantly lower vitamin $B_1$ and niacin intakes compared to the PFR group. Therefore, these results provide nation-wide information on health-related behaviors and nutrient intake according to lifestyles among Korean college students.

Study on the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine (景祐宮圖) (국립문화재연구소 소장 '경우궁도(景祐宮圖)'에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Kyung Mee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.1
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    • pp.196-221
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    • 2011
  • The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.

Consideration on National Rituals and Folk Beliefs Found in 『Hajaeilgi』 (『하재일기』에 나타난 국가의례와 민간신앙 일고찰)

  • Song, Jae Yong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.69
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    • pp.349-371
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    • 2017
  • "Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

King Sejo's Establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple and Its Semantics (세조의 원각사13층석탑 건립과 그 의미체계)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.101
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    • pp.12-46
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    • 2022
  • Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

The Existential Mode and Identity of the Qing Literati - Focusing on Zhang Xuecheng(章學誠) (청대 문인(文人)의 존재 방식과 정체성 - 장학성(章學誠)을 중심으로)

  • 최형섭
    • CHINESE LITERATURE
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    • v.96
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    • pp.145-175
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    • 2018
  • This study was made with the purpose of reconsidering the way of existence of literati(文人), the meaning of writing, and the relationship between cultural power and political power, focusing on Zhang Xuecheng(章學誠, 1738-1801) in the middle of the Qing dynasty. Here, 'Wenren(文人)' was used as a concept equivalent to 'the literary intelligentsia', in other words, 'literati' of English rather than the concept of 'the literary man'. Firstly, Zhang Xuecheng was the person who had lived 64 years of life from Qianlong(乾隆) 3 to Jiaqing(嘉慶) 6, in particular, one of the representatives of the Chinese literati and scholar in the mid and late 18th century. He was born in a typical Gangnam gentry family from Kuaiji(會稽) in Zhejiang province. During adolescence he was grown and educated in hometown Shaoxing(紹興) and Yingcheng(應城) in Hubei province, but Beijing was the city that had the greatest influence on him. After he entered Guozijian(imperial capital academy) at the age of 25 in Qianlong 27(1762), he was mainly active in Beijing and had lived a life of wandering in Zhili(直隸), Henam, Anhui, Hubei province etc. He exchanged ideas with many literati and scholars who led the 18th century. He had many patrons Such as Shen Yefu(沈業富), Ou Yangjin(歐陽瑾), Zhu Fenyuan(朱棻元), Zhu Yun(朱筠), Liang Guozhi(梁國治), Bi Yuan(畢沅), Xie Qikun(謝啓崑) etc, who were prominent government officials and scholars of the time. In spite of passing imperial examinations and becoming the jinshi(進士), he gave up being a bureaucrat, and decided to live as a marginal literati out of office. With the help of his patrons, he solved economic problems mainly through non-regular workers such as tutor, the chief of the local academy, muliao(幕僚, provincial official's adviser) etc. Most of non-official literati in the middle of the Qing dynasty resolved their livelihood problems through irregular jobs like Zhang Xuecheng, while they kept maintaining their identity as intellectuals. Secondly, in intellectual discourses of the 18th century, the academic world was largely divided into moral philosophy(義理), philology(考據), literature(文章, or 詞章). The question of how to define and evaluate the value, relation and status of these three was different according to discussants. However, overall, literary texts were valuated as being less meaningful and worthy than the scholarly texts to deal with moral philosophy and philology. The writings of Zhang Xuecheng generally had the character of a scholar rather than of a literary man, and the meaning and value of his writings could be found in scholarly writings rather than in literary writings. As summarized in the words, "moral philosophy could be proved by philology, literature was the tool to express it," he established the scholarly identity he should seek through the way of integrating moral philosophy and philology centering on the historical writings. Thirdly, including Zhang Xuecheng, Quan Zuwang(全祖望), Yuan Mei(袁枚), Wang Mingcheng(王鳴盛), Zhao Yi(趙翼), Quan Daxin(錢大昕), Yao Nai(姚鼐) etc, represented the Chinese literati and scholars in the 18th century. Coincidentally, they all resigned early and left office, or gave up being official despite passing imperial examinations, and engaged in teaching and writing as marginal literati out of institutional power for a very long time. The backgrounds of their abandonment or early resignation were different, but the ambition and desire to leave the endless works for posterity could be said a common part. In addition, it was necessary to consider that it was a matter of choosing one of the two, in which the 18th century literati could hardly combine official and scholar because of specialized scholarships. It also seemed to be related to the situation that cultural power was becoming a part of the individual choice of Han Chinese literati, for the Manchu regime could not create the leading cultural power.