• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.491-505
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• 1992

The purpose of this research was to understand the structure of the lived experience of parents of a child terminally ill with cancer The research question was “What is the structure of the experience of parents of a child terminally ill with cancer\ulcorner” The sample consisted of 17 parents of children admitted to the cancer units of two university hospitals in Seoul. The unstructured interviews were carried out from October 10, 1991 through January 10, 1992. They were audio-recorded and analysed using Van Kaam's method. Parents ascribed the cause of the cancer to the mother's emotional imbalance during pregnancy, the mother's stress, failure to observe religious rites, food, the parent's sin, misfortune and pollution. The theme clusters were tension, fear and depression experienced during pregnancy, stress that children suffer from abusive parents, failure to observe religious activites, bad luck, and sins committed during a previous life. When the child suffered a recurrence of cancer, the parents experienced negative emotions, nervousness, sorrow. depression and death. The theme clusters were feelings of despair, helplessness, regret, guilt, insecurity, emptyness and apathy. The long struggle with cancer resulted in the loss of economic security, loss of psychological and physical well being, and social withdrawal. The theme clusters were the economic burden of medical cost, giving up treatment, debt, limited medical insurance coverage and blood transfusion. The loss of psychological well being included stress, lack of support systems, inability to carry out responsibilities, lack of trust of the medical ten family breakdown, inappropriate expression of emotion and not disclosing the diagnosis to the child. Physically the parents suffered fatigue, insomnia, loss of appetite, loss of weight, dizzness, headache, psychosomatic symptoms, and increased consumption of liquor and cigarettes. Social withdrawal was manifested by taking time off from work to look after the child, decrease of outside social activities and feelings of isolation. Influences on family life were spousal conflicts, negative response of siblings, separation of the family members and economic hardship. The theme clusters were blaming a spouse for the cause of the illness and disagreements, maladjustment, lonliness, hostility and depression of siblings. The high price of medical care over the long period was a major factor influencing the life of the family. Positive experiences during the child's long illness were the strengthening of support systems and religious beliefs and financial help from social organizations. The support of one's spouse primarily helped to overcome the stress of the long illness. In addition, support was received from parents of other children with cancer and from nurses and religious leaders. The nurse, by providing empathetic support, should be a person with whom parents can express their feelings and share their experiences.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.67-86
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• 2007

Choseon Dynasty, from many aspects, saw the institutional establishment of its royal palaces in the 17th and 18th century, with 'donggwol (east palace)' as the most representative form in the era. In that period, palaces were managed in the best way that fits the royal etiquette and order to maintain the Confucian framework of the times. While the royal palace was the place for the king to conduct state affairs, it was also a compound for the royal family to lead a life in. Since the royal family was also based on the Confucian system, women in the royal palace seldom revealed their existence to outside world. Yet daebi,(a Queen Mother) who was often called 'dongjo,' enjoyed the highest level of honor not only as a member of the royal family but in the hierarchical order of the dynasty. As they often engaged themselves in political affairs, daebi raised their reputation through rites and rituals. So, in the 16th century, they largely used Changgyeong-gung palace in the eastern part of the royal compound since they sometimes had to go out of the royal residence. While it was called 'dongjo' because it was seated in the eastern part, it was also used as a word symbolizing daebi. And, therefore, it has become a general principle of royal palaces to build the palace for daebi in the eastern wing of the compound. However, the residence for daebi was not always built in the eastern part in the 17th and 18th century and, instead, edifices for daebi were sometimes erected in several points within the royal compound. Beside, daebi's residence in this period had additional spaces for ceremonies since they had a number of official events there. Construction of daebi's residences in this era was not confined to the symbolic institutions and they became the peculiar palaces with specific characteristics for official ceremonies of the queen mothers. Consequently, it could be said that the architectural style of dongjo, which was the place of the supreme female in the hierarchical order, stemmed from donggwol where daebi spent the longest time of the royal life.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.112-129
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• 2019

This study investigates the influence and implications of the supervised process of production of flower vessels (花器) in 1411. The type, the production method, and the purpose of flower vessels (花器) were determined based on the workshops appearing in King Sejong-Sillok, Chiriji ("世宗實錄" "地理志") and Gyeongsang-do Chiriji ("慶尙道地理志"), considering articles excavated from Sangju kiln sites. In addition, the implications and the starting point of production of flower vessels (花器) in the Joseon Dynasty were identified. During the Joseon Dynasty, an effort was made to reorganize the government offices, to align ritual systems in the early 15th century. Preparation for rituals, preparation of supplemental utensils used in ancestral rites (祭器), the construction of architecture related to the Royal Family, and the production of weaponry (武器) were supervised. In 1411, flower vessels (花器) had a preferred supervised process of production as well, which means being recognized as a subject of maintenance for the Joseon Dynasty's aims. Flower vessels (花器) had been produced using grayish-blue powdered celadon (粉靑沙器) as flower pots (花盆), and as celadon flower pot-support (花臺), at Sangju kiln sites in particular, since 1411. Interestingly, products had been manufactured in royal kilns as well as in a few other kilns similar to the supervised process of production of flower vessels (花器) in the middle of the 15th century. It means that this effected the Gyeon-yang (見樣) supervised process of flower vessel (花器) production in 1411. At that time, the Joseon Dynasty used Gyeon-yang (見樣) for imperial gifts for the Ming Dynasty and on separate manufactured articles to ensure the standards of production. Gyeon-yang (見樣) affected the production of ceramic utensils used in ancestral rites (祭器), and government officials in Saongwon (司饔院) supervised the production of ceramics for the Royal Family year after year. In sum, it was flower vessels (花器) using Gyeon-yang (見樣) that provided precise production rules to supervise the process of production in 1411.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.33
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• pp.153-184
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• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.64-81
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• 2015

The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.

• Women's Health Nursing
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.518-535
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• 2001

Nursing practices should be based on the understanding of human beings. In order to understand human beings, it is important to study the lifestyles and thoughts of people in their natural environment. In this sense, the cultural aspects of a society need to be studied for a culture-bound nursing service. Child care, which is an important element of nursing, is also strongly influenced by the culture of a society. Therefore, a cultural study is necessary to understand the child-rearing practices of any society. The major purpose of this dissertation is to provide basic foundations for developing a culture-based theory for nursing intervention through studying traditional cultural elements of child care in Korean society. The study examined child-rearing practices in a small village on Koje Island in the southern part of Korea. It utilized ethnographic methodologies including participatory observations and in-depth interviews. The study participants were 9 Korean mothers living on Koje Island. The average age was 52. The data were collected between July in 1998 and December in 1999. The average number of interviews per person was 7-8, and the duration of each interview was approximately 2 hours. The data were analyzed using the Spradley Analytical Method. The following 9 major child-rearing aspects of mothers on Koje Island were discovered as a result of the study: 1. Firstly, mothers on Koje Island were mostly concerned about the "Old Birth Goddess' Curse", especially during their child's early years. This concern was evidenced by their careful behavior when their child was very young and by their praying to the Old Birth Goddess not to be jealous of their babies. 2. Secondly, they wished their children to live a different and better life than themselves. It was represented by their strong motivation toward their children's education as well as their expectation for their children's success. In traditional Korean culture, Korean people think that the rise and fall of the household depend on their offsprings. Therefore, Korean mothers wish their children attain to a higher level of social status through education. 3. Third, mothers are concerned about their children's righteousness. Mothers on Koje island expect their children to live with discretion, justice, strength, respect, harmony, and to do their best in life. 4. Next was an 'anticipation of their children's happy marriage'. The attributes of this category were an 'anxiety about their children's married life', and 'an expectation of a good spouse for their children'. Because Korean people believe that only a son can continue the bloodline of a family, especially Korean mothers have a great concern of the possibility of their daughters not having a son after marriage. Also they have different expectations toward their daughter-in-laws than son-in-laws. 5. Korean mothers also derived their satisfaction from their son. It was characterized by 'excessive affection toward their son', 'dependency on their son', and 'being afraid of their married daughter having a girl like themselves'. Korean society has been a patriarchy. Therefore, a son is beloved as someone who will take care of his old parents, be in charge of ancestral rites, and provide a daughter-in-law who can conceive a son. 6. The sixth category concerned 'the differences in their expectations for their children'. The attributes in this category were 'different expectations depending on their children's gender', 'different expectations depending on their children's ability', and a 'great sympathy toward children with low abilities'. Korean mothers expect their son to become better than their daughter. 7. The seventh category was related to their 'roles in child-caring practices'. Traditionally a child was raised in an extended family system in Korea So it was not the sole duty of a mother to bring up the child. Korean mothers used to receive much help rasing children from their in-laws, and family members. On the other hand, many children grew up by themselves, because their mothers were very busy taking care of housework. Furthermore, many children also grew up in poverty. 8. Mothers also had issues related to 'conflicts in child rearing'. They were characterized by 'lack of understanding', 'rudeness of children', and 'giving vent to one's anger'. 9. Finally, mothers regretted not doing their best in child-rearing practices. It was characterized by a 'bitter feeling of repentance', 'feeling irritated', and 'feeling of unsatisfaction'.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.43 no.5 s.207
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• pp.183-198
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• 2005

The purpose of this study was to discuss the relationship between Korean people's normative sense of the traditional filial piety and their affiliation with relatives. For this purpose, the researcher reviewed ethics books during the Chosun dynasty such as Naehoon Women's Ethics), Dongmongsonsup (Children's Cardinal Moral Principles) ,Kyokmongyokyol (Juvenile's Learning) and Gyuenyoso (Instructions for Daughters of Marriageable Age), Based on this review a questionnaire was designed. For the survey,566 returned questionnaires from married people between their 20's and 70's living in Seoul and Wonju Si were sampled The collected data were analyzed using the SAS program for means and SDs of each area in order to examine the overall tendency, and were subject to one-way ANOVA to determine the relationship between their normative sense of the traditional filial piety and their affiliations with relatives depending on their demographic variables, In addition to this correlation analysis, the data underwent regression analysis to determine the significant factors affecting the subjects' sense of filial piety and their affiliation with relatives. The results of this study can be summarized as follows ; First, the subjects were found to have a normal or higher sense of filial piety in overall terms, which suggests that the Korean morality of filial piety may be positive. In particular, the subjects' sense of filial piety was higher for living parents than for dead ones. Namely, they wanted to give more respect, honor and support to their parents than give a cordial funeral or memorial service to deceased parents. Second, older Koreans were more aware of filial piety, and men were more conscious of filial piety than women. Buddhists or atheists tended to be more faithful to their parents. Generally, those with lower academic background and living with larger families had a higher normative sense of filial piety. On the other hand, those in their 60's and 70's were most affiliated with their relatives, while youth and middle-aged people were less affiliated with their relatives. Men were more affiliated with their relatives than women, and first sons or daughters were more affiliated with their relatives. Besides, those living with larger families were more affiliated with their relatives. Third, the subjects' normative sense of filial piety, particularly for deceased parents, was highly correlated with their affiliation with relatives, and such a normative sense of filial piety was most conspicuous in their funeral rites.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.24-47
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• 2013

This study focused on the constructional concepts, landscape design techniques and changes made of the Sandan(山壇) area in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace based on the spatial organization of the zone. The results of this study are as below. Constructional layers that have been maintained throughout the centuries from King Injo(仁祖), King Sukjong(肅宗), King Sunjo(純祖), the Japanese colonial period to the present, were found in the Sandan area. The Sandan area, which was developed with the establishment of Chuiseungjeong(取勝亭) during the ruling of King Injo(仁祖), was created as a resting place for the King, and its usage continued until King Sukjong(肅宗) built Nakminjeong(樂民亭). However, the whole area was reorganized to host ritual ceremonies, where ancestral rites were performed for the mountain gods, after Sandan and Baekunsa(白雲社) were built during King Gojong's reign, before the drawing of 'Painting of Eastern Palaces(東闕圖).' The architectural component used then appears to have been designed to serve ancestral ritual formalities for the god of land, or to satisfy the religious desires of the royal family not fulfilled by Confucian courtesy. These are characteristics that define the Sandan area. Meanwhile, the analysis of the ground plan of the Changdeokgung Palace revealed that the Sandan had been maintained until the Japanese colonial era, but was removed sometime after liberation. The area underwent extensive reform in the early 1970s, when the whole area was developed into a tourist destination called Bingcheon(氷泉). Then, a new road that runs through Bingcheon was laid, and the present condition reflects the construction result of the time. An interview with a person who had taken part in the repair work in the 1970s confirmed that the construction work at the time had the goal of establishing two drainage systems for drinking water and copied the Okryuchon(玉流川) well.